THE MISERIES AND THE GREAT QUALITIES OF A GREAT NATIONAL REFORM

I simply want to contain myself under a big abbreviation in which beautiful words are locked between our country that we can here understand its relations and constructions between a more socialist environment in which the fruit is a product of the peace that we learn to give with the relativities that we they console more the side where we assume that we are able or unable to know our lives and put everything back to our sides that I simplify as a notion among several terms here writer who speaks of Brazil as a country that has lived and lived by great challenges among the people and education that seemed to me to be kind of catastrophic, its bases and notions among the man of today who was born more modernized and who is prone to great challenges between the past and the future, showing the national dark side as a ruin in which I describe good things and of the bad under a great socialist relationship in which human beings can deeply understand their development with and growth that went through with hunger, deaths, d unemployment, lack of education, social discipline, inhumanity, violence, lack of health, justice in the country, human rights in the country, schools for unemployed youth, workshops for unemployed youth, racism, homosexuality, religion, politics in Brazil, militarism in the country, sex and drugs, Brazilian philosophy, Brazilian psychology, sports, education in Brazil, youth rehabilitation center, culture, art, music, sports, education, slums, neighborhoods, cities, country, citizen, criminals, triage center, crime sometimes justice and like everything else, a great classification that puts the Brazilian under an arena and that from this arena he perfected and developed under certain more syndicalist factors that imposes on him with the social life that made him suffer and made him win like a game and dance that shows the quality of his soul between his reputation and personal development that harmonized him with a more modernized atmosphere to the underworld that offered him a multitude of artifacts due to the great national decay in which we live today and we are a triumph country full of great cultural achievements where education has always contributed to socialist development, which we suffered for almost a long time and some still suffer due to the uncontested lack of support and support in the other social classes that depend on a system more focused on capitalism where it is not enough for everyone due to the bad presidential constitution and the bad economy as a form of socialist system that totals millions of Brazilians without to and without ground and the country is currently experiencing its greatest national crisis in which a good sustainable way was traced among the good intentions of the upper classes that helped to develop great revolutionary achievements within the country and that we call an example of peace, love and work under a country that necessarily needs a more labor reform and has an exemplary and sustainable training that always shows that the nation will contemplate under all the artifices of a great justice in which our flag will always show brighter and more solid under all the countries that show itself. ahead of ours and that the plain truth would be the power struggle in which we can justify this vow together forever in a great integrity of peace and love forever and we live in a country that is rich and we can trust its return under any training in relationships and work that someday will show us more worthy due to its culture and valuing of a citizenship that favors us more friendship and love for those in our country. our brothers and that modernization can strengthen us more under a purpose of construction and more productive civilization in which we can someday show our best and greatest values with infinity.

HUNGER IN BRAZIL

The National Survey on Food Insecurity in the Context of the Covid-19 Pandemic in Brazil, carried out by the Brazilian Research Network on Food and Nutritional Sovereignty and Security (Rede Pensan), indicates that in the last months of last year 19 million Brazilians went hungry and more than half of the households in the country faced some degree of food insecurity.

The unprecedented survey estimates that 55.2% of Brazilian households, or the equivalent of 116.8 million people, lived with some degree of food insecurity at the end of 2020 and 9% of them experienced severe food insecurity, that is, they were hungry, in the three months prior to the collection period, carried out in December 2020, in 2,180 households. According to the researchers, the number found of 19 million Brazilians who went hungry in the new coronavirus pandemic is double what was registered in 2009, with a return to the level observed in 2004.

The survey was carried out in partnership with Action Aid Brasil, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung Brasil (FES Brasil) and Oxfam Brasil, with support from the Ibirapitanga Institute. Data collection took place between December 5 and 24, 2020 in the five Brazilian regions, covering both rural and urban areas, during the period in which emergency aid granted by the federal government to 68 million Brazilians, in the initial amount of R$ 600 monthly, had been reduced to R$300 per month.

Restitution

The survey provides some indications and suggestions for actions to be taken by public authorities. The most obvious, as the president of Rede Penssan, Renato Maluf, told Agência Brasil today, is that emergency aid be refunded, “at least with the same amount as last year, that is, R$600”. Maluf said he believed that if the survey were done now, the data could be worse. "It is crucial that emergency relief at a significant amount is resumed." For Renato Maluf, the value being given this week cannot be considered a public policy. Values range from R$375 (for families headed by women) to R$150 (for those who live alone).

In the assessment of the president of Rede Pensan, the picture revealed by the inquiry is the result of the pandemic and the lack of policies to improve the situation. “It is necessary to ensure that school meals are offered at the same standard and with the same breadth as when schools were operating regularly,” he suggested. For that, the federal, state and municipal governments must not retreat in the supply of school meals, as has been happening in several places, he pointed out.

In this same topic, he spoke of the need to resume the support program for the purchase of food from family farming, as well as the programs that were directed to the semi-arid region of the country, in particular to the populations of the semiarid region of the Northeast, with the construction of cisterns and other initiatives support to those families. The study makes it clear that hunger rates are higher in rural areas than in urban areas. Severe food insecurity reached 12% of households in rural areas, against 8.5% in urban areas, with the greatest vulnerability being for those with less access to drinking water. The proportion of households classified as severely food insecure in rural areas doubles when there is no adequate availability of water for food production, rising from 21.1% to 44.2%.

face to hunger

Renato Maluf stressed that the inquiry “gives hunger a face”. For example, households where the responsible person is a woman present severe food insecurity, that is, hunger, much higher than the national average. He argued that, if this responsible person is a woman, black or brown, and with a low level of education, this insecurity is even greater. "Therefore, the female condition, skin color and education are determinants of the occurrence of hunger in households."

According to the survey, there is hunger in 11.1% of households headed by women, and another 15.9% face moderate food insecurity. When the reference person is a man, the numbers are lower: hunger affects 7.7% of households and another 7.7% are in a situation of moderate food insecurity. By skin color, it was found that black or brown people face severe food insecurity in 10.7% of households. The percentage is 7.5% in homes of people of white race or skin color. Moderate food insecurity also reveals the same imbalance: 13.7% for people of black or mixed race/skin color, and 8.9% for people of white race/skin color.

In the North and Northeast, hunger affects 18.1% and 13.8% of households, respectively, against less than 7% in other regions of the country, surpassing the average of 9% for the entire national territory. Renato Maluf drew attention to the fact that, in absolute numbers, the total number of people living with hunger in the Southeast is the same as in the Northeast. “It's the same 7 million people. The rich Southeast has the same number of hungry people as the Northeast. But, in percentage terms, it is smaller as a percentage of the population”.

During the pandemic, food insecurity also affected the non-poor, with a per capita family income (per individual) above one minimum wage, the survey found. The proportion of households in a situation of mild food insecurity rose from 20.7% in 2018 to 34.7% two years later, showing that the middle class was not spared from the effects of the pandemic. “We are talking about informal work, precarious work, poorly paid work. It is a situation of worsening that is not synonymous with hunger, but it is synonymous with compromised food”.

In Maluf's assessment, Brazil needs this type of inquiry to be carried out quickly and frequently. He intends to propose to supporters a new round in the second half of this year, in order to monitor the situation of hunger in the country and how it has evolved.

ActionAid

A partner of the Penssan Network in the research, ActionAid warned of the seriousness of the data disclosed and the urgency of the immediate implementation of essential measures to overcome hunger in the country. The Policy and Program analyst of the non-governmental organization (NGO), Francisco Menezes, underlined that a process of intense acceleration of hunger was revealed, with a growth of 27.6% per year between 2018 and 2020, against 8 % per year, between 2013 and 2018. “We reached the end of 2020 with 19 million people in a situation of severe food insecurity, but we can assume that now in the first quarter of this year the situation has worsened even further. It is urgent to contain this escalation. This issue cannot be naturalized as a fatality on which it is not possible to intervene”, he affirmed.

Francisco Menezes reiterated that there is an emergency that requires immediate actions from public authorities, with equal commitment from society. He also mentioned that after significant advances in 2004, 2009 and 2013, a survey by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) for 2018 already revealed a rapid setback, when 10.3 million people were hungry in the country.

Ministry

Contacted by Agência Brasil, the Ministry of Citizenship informed, through its press office, that the federal government has been working “systematically” to strengthen social programs and establish a protection network for the most vulnerable population. In 2020 alone, more than R$365 billion were invested in social assistance policies, ranging from early childhood to old age, carried out by the folder. Initiatives such as the Bolsa Família Program (PBF), the Continuous Cash Benefit (BPC) and Emergency Aid have reduced extreme poverty in Brazil by 80%, according to the ministry.

It also revealed that the central government estimates reaching around 40 million families with emergency aid this year. "This administration's commitment is to serve the greatest number of citizens, ensuring a minimum income for this portion of the population, while, with fiscal responsibility, the budget limit established by Constitutional Amendment No. 109/2021, no. value of R$ 44 billion”, said the note.

In 2020, 68.2 million families were directly supported by emergency aid, or the equivalent of 118.7 million people, representing 56.1% of the Brazilian population. The investment made between April and December 2020 reached R$ 295 billion. “This is the biggest benefit ever created in Brazil, the equivalent of more than ten years of investment in Bolsa Família”, pointed out the ministry.

Aiming to reduce the economic impacts of covid-19, the ministry also structured a system for donating food baskets to vulnerable families and residents in emergency situations or state of public calamity, within the scope of the Food Distribution Action (ADA) . The first action took place in Aparecida (SP), on the 26th, when the Brasil Fraterno project was launched, a partnership between the Ministry of Citizenship, Pátria Voluntária and the private sector, through Sistema S, concluded the federal agency.

NATURAL DEATHS IN BRAZIL

A survey released on Monday (31) by the National Council of State Health Secretaries (Conass) showed that the number of deaths from natural causes, between January and April 2021, was 64% higher than expected for the period.

PUBLICITY

According to the data, there were 211,000 more deaths than expected between January 1st and April 17th. The excess of deaths was greater in the age group up to 59 years old: there were 84% more deaths than expected.

The executive secretary of Conass, Jurandir Frutuoso, explained to CNN that deaths from natural causes include occurrences from diseases, such as the new coronavirus, and therefore, the number higher than that stipulated by experts.

“These are causes related to the coronavirus, yes. Without a doubt, this picture contributed a lot to this result. The disease kills both directly and indirectly. Since 2020, many have been dying because of Covid-19 and because they are unable to access the necessary health services”, said the executive secretary.

In contrast, deaths considered unnatural, such as accidents, homicides and suicides, remained stable.

The excess of natural deaths was greater among men than among women: among men it was 68%, and among women, 61%.

UNEMPLOYMENT IN BRAZIL

The unemployment rate in Brazil was 13.7% in the quarter ended in July, but still reaches 14.1 million Brazilians, informed this Thursday (30) the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE).

The result represents a reduction of 1 percentage point in relation to the unemployment rate of the three previous months (14.7%) and the lowest unemployment rate in the year. The data also represents stability in relation to the unemployment rate in July 2020, which was 13.8%.

Among the unemployed, the drop was 4.6% (less 676 thousand people) compared to the quarter ended in April, when the IBGE estimated the number at 14.8 million people.

The numbers are part of the Continuous National Household Sample Survey (PNAD). In the previous survey, referring to the quarter ended in June, the unemployment rate was 14.1%, reaching 14.4 million people.

Unemployment - July/21 — Photo: Economy g1

See survey highlights

Unemployment rate dropped to 13.7% (from 14.7% in the previous three months)

Unemployed population retreated 4.6% to 14.1 million people

Employed population went from 50% for the first time in the year, reaching 89 million

Underutilization rate dropped to 28%

Underemployed people are a record in the historical series: 7.7 million people, indicating recovery of low quality work

The country has 5.4 million discouraged people (people who have given up looking for a job), 10% lower than in the previous quarter

Employees with a formal contract in the private sector totaled 30.6 million, an increase of 3.5%

The increase was higher among those without a portfolio, from 6%, to 10.3 million

Number of self-employed workers (25.2 million) is a record in the historical series

Number of employers with CNPJ was lower in the series

Informality rate was 40.8%, or 36.3 million people

Usual real income fell 2.9% to R$2,508

Evolution of the number of unemployed - July/21 — Photo: Economy g1

Occupancy passes 50% for the first time in the year

According to the IBGE, the decline in the unemployment rate was mainly influenced by the increase in the number of employed people, which grew by 3.1 million compared to the quarter ended in April, to 89 million.

As a result, the occupancy level rose 1.7 percentage points to 50.2%.

"This is the first time, since the quarter ended in April 2020, that the level of occupation is above 50%, which indicates that more than half of the population of working age is employed in the country", highlights the analyst at research, Adriana Beringuy.

The researcher points out, however, that before the pandemic, the employed population totaled 94 million people – that is, there are still 5 million less employed in the country than in the pre-pandemic period.

In the July 2020 comparison, the number of people employed in the labor market increased by 8.6%, which corresponds to about 7 million more workers.

“This number is so incongruous because we are starting from a very low basis for comparison, referring to the height of the pandemic, when there was a very large layoff of workers”, emphasizes the researcher.

Miriam Leitão: 'The job market continues to struggle'

Informality pulled high from the occupation

According to IBGE, informal work was the main responsible for the increase in the employed population.

This group - which includes those without a formal contract (employees in the private sector or domestic workers), without CNPJ (employers or self-employed) or unpaid workers - reached 36.3 million people and a rate of 40.8% .

Self-employment raises occupation rates — Photo: Economy g1

In the previous quarter, the rate was 39.8%, with 34.2 million people. A year ago, this number was smaller, 30.7 million and a rate of 37.4%, the lowest level in the series.

“In one year, the number of informals grew by 5.6 million. The advance of informality has provided the recovery of the occupation of the Continuous PNAD”, explains Adriana Beringuy.

The researcher stressed that "this is the biggest increase in informality in recent times". However, the number of informal workers in the country was already higher - the record was registered in the quarter ended in October 2019, when it reached 38.7 million.

Evolution over a year of the contingent of informal workers in the country — Photo: Economia/G1

Among the work categories that represent informality, self-employment was the one that grew the most.

“Self-employment has been the way in which more people are finding to enter the job market. In other moments of crisis, we had already observed that this category is the first to be affected, but also the first to start to react”, emphasized the researcher.

Occupation grows in most activities

The increase in employment compared to the quarter ended in April was observed in six of the ten economic activities, according to the IBGE.

Construction was the one that stood out, with an increase of 10.3% in the period. Accommodation and food, up 9%, and domestic services, up 7.7%, also stood out.

Evolution of employed population by activity segment — Photo: Economy g1

In comparison with the same quarter of last year, the growth in occupation was even more widespread among activities, reaching eight of them.

The highlight was also the construction, which registered a 23.8% increase in the number of workers in one year. Accommodation and food and domestic services also appear in the sequence, with increases, respectively, of 16.8% and 16.5%.

“These last two activities had very sharp losses in the pandemic. These are activities that are still rebuilding their contingent”, observes Adriana Beringuy.

Self-employed and domestic work have records

Self-employment continued to grow in July, reaching a record level of 25.2 million people, an increase of 4.7%, with over 1.1 million people.

Distribution of occupied by occupation position — Photo: Economy g1

"This is the form of insertion in the occupation that has been growing the most in recent quarters at PNAD Contínua, although formally signed work is starting to have more favorable results," said Adriana Beringuy.

Domestic work increased by 7.7% (compared to the quarter ended in April), totaling 5.3 million people. Compared to the same period of the previous year, it grew 16.1%, an additional 739 thousand people. The quarterly and annual expansions were the biggest in the whole historical series of the occupation of domestic workers, highlighted the IBGE.

No significant variations were observed between employers (3.7 million) and public sector employees (11.8 million).

Falling yield

The IBGE notes that, despite the slight improvement in the unemployment rate, the worker's usual real income has been falling: in the quarter ended in July, it was R$ 2,508 – 2.9% below that registered in the three immediately previous months, from BRL 2,583.

In comparison with July 2020, the drop is even more pronounced, at 8.8%: a year ago, the usual real income was R$ 2,750.

The drop indicates that the new jobs that have contributed to the resumption of the labor market are low-paid: thus, despite the rise in positions, the mass of real income (the set of salaries paid) was stable, both in relation to the immediately previous quarter as compared to the same period in 2020, according to IBGE.

"Despite such an important growth of the employed population, the mass of growth does not follow the expansion, due to the fact that the employed population is being remunerated with lower income, both in the quarterly and annual comparisons", says the researcher.

"A significant part of the expansion of occupation comes from informality, based on workers with lower wages. In addition, we cannot forget that the growth in inflation that has been taking place in recent months also contributes to this drop in real income", observes Adriana.

New record among the underemployed

The contingent of underutilized people (those unemployed, underemployed due to insufficient hours worked or in the potential workforce) was 31.7 million, a 4.7% reduction compared to the previous quarter (33.3 million). As a result, the composite underutilization rate dropped 1.6 percentage points to 28.0%.

Within this group, however, underemployed workers due to insufficient hours worked (those who work fewer hours than they could) reached a record number of 7.7 million people – an increase of 7.2%, with 520 more One thousand people.

Number of underemployed workers hit record in July — Photo: Economy/G1

This data indicates that part of the job recovery has been taking place in low-quality jobs, with few hours of work.

Compared to the previous year, the indicator rose 34.0%, when there were 5.8 million underemployed people in the country.

The discouraged – people who could work but gave up looking – stood at 5.4 million, down 10% from the previous quarter.

IBGE X Ministry of Labor

The IBGE data, although showing a slight improvement in the unemployment situation in the country, contrasts with those released the day before by the Ministry of Labor.

The General Register of Employed and Unemployed Persons (Caged) pointed to the creation of 372,265 formal jobs in August. In July – the same month as the current IBGE survey – there were 303.3 thousand vacancies.

Analysts suggest that the change in Caged's methodology, in early 2020, would be responsible for the discrepancy in the data. According to Sergio Vale, chief economist at MB Associados, the new methodology generated a "detachment" of data from formal employment with the level of activity.

"In the new methodology, it is difficult to report layoffs and, more complicated, when compared to activity, we see a very large discrepancy. Before, there was close proximity between Caged and IBC-Br (the 'preview' of GDP disclosed by the Central Bank), the two curves walked very close. [These curves] took off: GDP falling and Caged pointing to a recovery in a super strong V," he said.

For him, the data from the National Household Sample Survey (Pnad) seem to be more reliable, although the IBGE has changed the way it collects data, due to the pandemic.

LACK OF EDUCATION IN BRAZIL

If today access to education, especially in the first years of life, is much greater in Brazil, we cannot say the same in relation to the quality of education offered. This disparity can be explained by aspects such as the inequality of income, region and color that plagues Brazil in a number of ways. With the pandemic, the situation of lack of access to quality education worsened.

But first of all: what is quality education?

Basically, it is the one that enables everyone to participate fully in community life, as citizens aware of their place in the world. It is the one that forms a subject-citizen, but above all provides an environment conducive to development for children and adolescents.

For UNESCO, education is a human right and it is important for three reasons:

“First, because it is everyone's right. Second, because education enhances individual freedom. Third, because education generates great benefits in terms of development”.

UNESCO believes that education offers answers to many of humanity's problems. The UN agency claims that where education has been guaranteed, people are more likely to enjoy other rights.

Thus, quality education is what allows people to fight poverty, build efficient democracies and societies aimed at a culture of peace.

Disparities in Brazil

In Brazil, those who usually have more access to higher quality education are those who are able to afford private education, that is, the richest people in the country, which demonstrates that social inequality has an impact on access to education.

And when we talk only about going to school, those who live in urban areas have easier access – that's because, in some more rural places, often due to lack of structure or public policies, even getting to school can be a problem.

Racial inequality is also reflected in this disparity in access to education, as well as social inequality, as stated in a report by Correio Braziliense. This occurs because racial inequality is closely linked to social inequality, since the black population is the majority among the poor (75%) and, among the richest, the majority is white (70%).

A G1 report, which analyzes data from the Prova Brasil, applied in 2020 by the Brazilian Education Assessment System (Saeb), of the Ministry of Education (MEC), points out some highlights on inequality and the educational reality in the country, showing the difference between rural and rural areas, rich and poor, public and private schools.

Applied in the midst of the pandemic, the test shows that 7 out of 10 high school students have insufficient level in Portuguese and mathematics. Other highlights are:

– More than half of the States showed a worsening in performance in at least one of the applied assessments, in comparison with previous surveys. They are AM, AP, BA, DF, MA, MS, MT, PA, PB, PE, RJ, RN, RR, SC and SP.

– The state of Amazonas registers the greatest differences in performance between rural and urban students. A student in the urban area of the state learns more than one who lives in the countryside, with an average difference of 35 points.

– The state of Piauí has the greatest inequality in performance between students from public (state and municipal) and private schools: an average of 80 points.

– The state of Ceará, on the other hand, is one of those with the least educational inequalities when comparing the performance of students from public and private schools and from the richest to the poorest.

PNAD 2019 data

According to the PNAD Continuous 2019, the Northeast is the region with the largest number of adults who have not completed high school: three out of five (60.1%).

Across Brazil, 57.0% of white people completed high school, while this proportion was 41.8% among blacks or browns.

The survey also showed data on school dropouts and found that, of the 50 million people aged 14 to 29 in the country, 20.2% (or 10.1 million) did not complete any of the stages of basic education. Of this total, 71.7% were black or brown.

The passage from elementary to high school is the one that most accentuates school dropouts, especially due to the need to work (39.1%) and lack of interest (29.2%). Among women, pregnancy (23.8%) and household chores (11.5%) stand out.

Other indicators still show that the illiteracy rate is 6.6%, which corresponds to 11 million people. Of these, more than half (56.2% or 6.2 million) live in the Northeast region. For blacks and browns, the rate is 5.3 percentage points higher than for whites (8.9% and 3.6%).

With these data, it is possible to notice clear characteristics of those who have more and less access to education in Brazil. These data are important for the elaboration of public policies, in order to improve the points that do not reach good indexes.

Covid-19

A study by FGV Social showed that these inequalities increased even more with the covid-19 pandemic. Among the reasons are the difficulties encountered by students in keeping up with remote classes, which mainly affected low-income students.

This is mainly due to the difficulty of access. IPEA data from 2018 showed that, at the time, around 16% of elementary school students (4.35 million) and 10% of high school students (780 thousand) did not have access to the internet. Almost all were from the public network, a situation that directly reflected in remote teaching.

The survey also showed that students from families in poverty, with a per capita income of up to R$ 245, were the ones who least attended school, received fewer activities and those who spent less time on classroom activities in 2020. On the other hand, those who are part of families from classes A and B were the ones who took the most advantage of remote education.

Perpetuation of the cycle

This lack of access to quality education strengthens the cycle of social inequality, as individuals with little or less education can hardly change their condition throughout life, while those born with higher income can study more and, consequently, become become adults with better financial and social conditions.

The fact is that education is a factor capable of developing in individuals their potential by allowing the “full development of the person, their preparation for the exercise of citizenship and their qualification for work”, as provided for in the 1988 Constitution.

When education is universally disseminated, it becomes one of the most important mechanisms for promoting opportunities and equality among people.

How to change the lack of access to quality education in Brazil?

There are some measures that can significantly help in accessing quality education – but this must be an effort by the government. It is up to society to mobilize to demand these changes and understand the importance of education for the improvement and growth of the country.

An article in Folha de S.Paulo, from 2018, lists some proposals for improving education, which depend especially on government actions. Are they:

– Keep children and young people in school;

– Match the quality of teaching;

– Improve teachers' salaries, increasing demand;

– Improve teacher training courses;

– Change the way of choosing directors;

– Reduce teacher absence rate;

– Organize the curriculum;

– Create channels to listen to students and teachers;

– Increase collaboration between networks;

– Increase investment and improve management;

– Provide support to students with difficulties;

– And expand funding sources for public higher education;

We highlight here the importance of valuing teachers, as well as their initial training, reforming and professionalizing these teachers with practical training. Schools are also part of this valuation, receiving sufficient financial resources to promote efficient teaching.

Classrooms need to be equipped with the necessary infrastructure for learning, with quality school material and for everyone. Books must be easy to understand and didactic content.

Another point is the understanding of the importance of the school director, as the management of schools is also essential for the promotion of quality education.

Reducing inequalities is also very important, as one of the biggest reasons for dropping out of school is in high school for teenagers who need to work, whether outdoors or at home. In fact, it is often an irregular job, outside the apprenticeship modality. Learn more about child labor in Brazil (linkar).

sponsor a child

You can help improve this situation by supporting NGOs that work directly with these socially vulnerable children and adolescents and, therefore, lacking access to quality education.

With your support, we can carry out social projects that change this reality. Through sponsorship, you will be the hero of a child or teenager, ensuring their development in the short and long term, helping to break the cycle of poverty and inequality that many would be subjected to without new opportunities.

Through our work, children and teenagers have access to extra-curricular projects that strengthen their learning and skills beyond the school environment. The projects also contribute to the entire community around these children and young people, helping to break or reduce the cycle of inequality.

SOCIAL SUBJECT SOCIOLOGY IN BRAZIL

The main themes addressed by Brazilian sociology in the following decades were mostly related to the working classes. Numerous subjects have gained the attention of scholars, such as:

Wage;

workdays;

Urban and rural work environments;

Relations between employees and employers;

Organizations and conditions of work environments.

From the 1960s onwards, scholars began to worry about the industrialization process that was taking place in Brazil. Countless sociological debates addressed themes of the new political and social problems that industrialization brought about.

Around 1964, sociologists studying Brazilian society began to devote themselves to studying the country's economic and political problems. Such problems arose in the same period of the military regime, which took place from 1964 to 1985 in Brazil.

Learn more about the Military Dictatorship in Brazil.

Sociology in Brazilian Education

During the military regime, the discipline of Sociology had been banned from Brazilian high school. Only in the 1980s, after the end of the dictatorship, was sociology reimplanted in classrooms as a high school subject, albeit on an optional basis. At the same time, Sociology was also professionalized in Brazil.

This happened because Brazilian sociology was instrumentalized by the communist Marxist perspective of reading society, which led to the distortion of social facts. Thus, the military paid attention to this discipline.

Even so, not being mandatory in high school and later being optional, in universities its study was not impeded.

Numerous topics were addressed during this period, such as:

Policy;

Economy;

Social changes arising from the new republic of 1985;

However, in addition to these themes, sociologists also began to analyze women and rural workers. As of 2009, Sociology was defined as a compulsory subject in high school in Brazil.

Sociology in Brazil – Leading Sociologists

Florestan Fernandes

Florestan Fernandes was extremely important for the development of sociological studies in Brazil. He has always been very committed to the study of theoretical-methodological perspectives, committing himself to the foundation of Sociology as a science.

Florestan was instrumental in developing and guiding research on the process of industrialization and social change in Brazil.

"I say that I started my sociological learning at the age of six, when I needed to earn a living as if I were an adult and I penetrated, through concrete experience, into the knowledge of what human coexistence and society is" — Florestan Fernandes

Darcy Ribeiro

Darcy Ribeiro was a Brazilian anthropologist, writer and politician who developed works mainly in the areas of education, sociology and anthropology. His main work “O Povo Brasileiro” brings the characteristics of the Brazilian population, emphasizing its formation and social organization.

Darcy RIbeiro is also known for his research carried out on aspects related to indigenous peoples, with large and rich observations and anthropological reports.

“Social stratification thus separates and opposes the rich and well-off Brazilians from the poor, and all of them from the miserable, more than usually corresponds to these antagonisms. On this plane, class relations become so insurmountable that they obliterate all properly human communication between the mass of the people and the privileged minority, who see and ignore it, treat and mistreat it, exploit and deplore it, as if it were was a natural conduct.” — Darcy Ribeiro

Gilberto Freyre

Gilberto Freyre is recognized as one of the biggest names in sociology in Brazil. His research brings themes such as Portugal, the Iberian world and the Portuguese presence in the tropics.

His aim with such writings was to demonstrate the role of the Portuguese in the formation of modern civilizations through colonization.

“Oxen, pigs, turkeys were killed. Cakes, sweets and puddings of all kinds were made. The chicken, by the way, figures in several religious ceremonies and aphrodisiac herbal teas of Africans in Brazil. Sugar – which always accompanied the black – sweetened so many aspects of Brazilian life that national civilization cannot be separated from it.” – Gilberto Freyre

Sergio Buarque de Holanda

Sérgio Buarque de Holanda was one of the most relevant Brazilian historians, but he also plays a very important role in influence and participation in the field of Sociology.

One of his main works, “Raízes do Brasil” brings some central themes of the formation of Brazilian culture and the process of formation of society.

To study the past of a people, an institution, a class, it is not enough to accept literally everything that simple written tradition has left us. It is necessary to speak the huge crowd of mute extras who fill the panorama of history and are often more interesting and more important than the others, those who just write the story. — Sérgio Buarque de Holanda

Caio Prado Junior

Caio Prado Junior was another important intellectual for sociology in Brazil. He published “Formação do Brasil Contemporâneo” whose main theme was the formation of Brazilian society and people since the arrival of the Portuguese. The emphasis of this work was the colonization process and its influence on the formation of Brazilian society.

“The great Brazilian problem is to raise the level of this mass of the population, because culture is a collective fact, not an individual one. It is necessary to use the maximum of the country's resources to provide health and education to this mass.” — Caio Prado Júnior.

INHUMANITY IN BRAZIL

600,000 lives lost in just over a year and a half of the pandemic so far. This is Covid-19's lethal (and official) balance in a country ruled by deniers, corrupt and criminals who helped to write this sad chapter of Brazilian history.

With estimates of underreporting of deaths around 20%, we may have lost at least 700,000 Brazilians to a disease that was underestimated by the Brazilian federal government since its first reported case in Brazil on February 26, 2020.

But these deaths didn't happen by chance. They have people in charge. Those who promoted crowds, encouraged disobedience to the use of masks and distancing rules, promoted ineffective treatments and liars, threatened health professionals, charged vaccine bribes, neglected oxygen to those who most needed, fought not to pay decent emergency aid to those who needed surviving, is directly responsible for these deaths.

Several of these will begin to answer for their crimes after Covid's CPI report is finalized – we hope so! -, among them the main responsible: Jair Bolsonaro.

“Brazil cannot stop”: Beginning of the genocide promoted by Bolsonaro

In March 2020, soon after Brazil declared a state of public calamity and states and municipalities began to take measures of social distancing to curb the advance of Covid-19 that reached the country, the synthesis of the Bolsonaro government's stance at that time was in the campaign “Brazil Can't Stop”.

Inspired by a similar campaign carried out by the city of Milan, Italy, and which culminated in a sanitary catastrophe in the city and across the country, the Bolsonaro government's campaign was taken off the air through court decisions a few days after it was launched and for bad. repercussion in most public opinion, but remained present in government decisions: defense of the end of social isolation measures, participation of the president in demonstrations and gatherings, promotion of "vertical isolation", thesis of the time when only the elderly should being isolated as they were the majority of deaths at the time (and which proved catastrophic), and a supposed dichotomy between “saving lives or saving the economy”.

“It is necessary to protect these people and all members of groups at risk, with all the care, affection and respect. For these, isolation. For everyone else, distance, extra attention and a lot of responsibility. Let's, with care and awareness, return to normality”, stated a publication by the Special Secretariat for Social Communication (Secom) of the Bolsonaro government, on the defense of isolation only for the elderly.

Bolsonaro's daily sabotage to the serious fight against the pandemic

Jair Bolsonaro's daily struggle against the isolation measures promoted by mayors and governors continued over the months, especially after a decision by the Federal Supreme Court (STF) on April 15, 2020 that gave autonomy to state and municipal governments to decide their rules movement of people and combating the pandemic.

The daily sabotage of prevention measures dragged on for over a year. While Bolsonaro incited “civil disobedience” against the recommendations of the World Health Organization (WHO) and encouraged treatments already proven to be ineffective, the PSOL presented an Emergency Plan to Combat the Health, Economic and Social Crisis.

The PSOL plan was presented with 6 central axes:

– Protection of informal and vulnerable workers, with proposals such as the Emergency Basic Income (which was the embryo of emergency aid later approved by the National Congress), exemption from electricity and water bills for low-income families, price fixing of prevention items to Covid-19 and full maintenance of salaries.

– Immediate repeal of Constitutional Amendment 95, on the Spending Ceiling, which obliges the government to cut investments in social areas such as health. The “war budget” was a maneuver found in the National Congress to disregard the spending ceiling in 2020, which helped to face the crisis, even if insufficiently.

– Clear the queue for Bolsa Família and INSS, which already have at least 1.5 million families waiting to receive benefits. The measure would have been instrumental in helping the most vulnerable families to protect themselves during the pandemic.

– Prohibition of price increases in health plans, end of the shortage during the pandemic, and use of private ICU beds by the SUS: these were fundamental proposals, but they were not followed by the Bolsonaro government, which, as we have seen, preferred to make agreements with healthcare providers like Prevent Senior to turn patients into guinea pigs and maximize profits.

– Protection of health workers, with the guarantee of adequate materials for work and protective equipment recommended by the World Health Organization.

– Priority allocation of budget resources to health to allow municipalities and states to increase personnel expenses by expanding the number of workers in the area.

A good part of these proposals were fundamental to subsidize important achievements approved by the National Congress, such as emergency aid, the “war budget” to fight the pandemic, compensation to health professionals who were victims of Covid-19, the feasibility of resources for the purchase of vaccines, as well as the important inspection that is now being carried out in the practices of health plan operators, as in the case of the Prevent Senior scandal.

Emergency assistance: BRL 600 earned in Congress

Jair Bolsonaro and Paulo Guedes proposed an emergency aid of R$ 200 to self-employed workers in March 2020. At the same time, PSOL presented the initial project of an emergency Basic Income for families in a situation of social vulnerability.

At the end of that month, the opposition made a joint effort and presented a unified proposal to the National Congress. In this project, the value of the basic income would be up to R$2000 per family and the floor would be one minimum wage.

After a great mobilization of the people and civil society for the approval of the emergency basic income proposal, which had the support of 35 civil society organizations, Congress and the government were pressured for approval and partially accepted the proposals of the PSOL and the opposition.

Paulo Guedes' emergency aid announced at R$200 was demoralized and, in its place, R$600 aid was born, which reached R$1200 for single mothers. The bill incorporated a series of PSOL proposals, such as the approved amendment that guaranteed adequate protection to single-parent families, those headed by women only.

Approximately 36% of the families that received the benefit are headed by women. In the Chamber's original proposal, these families, regardless of the number of children, would receive only R$600.00, while families composed of a couple, even without children, could receive up to R$1200. The PSOL amendment corrected this injustice and elevated the income of single parent families to R$1200 as well.

The duration of emergency aid in this amount in 2020 coincided with the lowest number of deaths and cases of Covid-19 during the pandemic before the start of vaccination in the country. The dehydration of aid for amounts up to R$ 150 in 2021 by the Bolsonaro government was one of the main reasons for the brutal increase in deaths in the first months of the year.

Health professionals: heroes Bolsonaro tried to fight

More than applause. This was what the health professionals who worked so hard – and continue to work – claimed in the daily fight against the Covid-19 pandemic. While Bolsonaro promoted crowding and discredited protection measures, it was these professionals who saw their hospitals collapsing with the lack of ICU beds and hospital supplies for so many patients.

During the first year of the pandemic, the number of dead health professionals grew 26% in Brazil compared to 2019. It is in this scenario that we achieved one of the most important victories in the National Congress, with the sanction of the law that guarantees compensation to health professionals incapacitated by Covid-19, or, in the event of death, to their families.

The indemnities, of at least R$ 50 thousand, are still harshly fought by the Bolsonaro government. After the approval of the project by Fernanda Melchionna (PSOL) and Reginaldo Lopes (PT) in the Chamber and Senate, Bolsonaro vetoed the project. More broad mobilization was necessary for the veto to be overturned this year in the National Congress and finally sanctioned.

Not happy, Bolsonaro sued the STF against the law and the Court has not yet ruled on the action. We have already entered the STF to be heard in favor of maintaining the law. Mobilization continues despite Bolsonaro's efforts to leave these anonymous heroes to their own devices.

“It's going to turn into an alligator”: The delay in buying vaccines to settle the fee

“Back in the Pfizer contract, it is very clear that we (Pfizer) are not responsible for any side effects. If you turn into an alligator, it's your problem,” Bolsonaro said in December 2020, when several countries around the world were already promoting mass vaccination of their populations. This episode is the most accurate portrayal of Bolsonaro's lack of commitment to vaccination.

But what was thought to be just denial was actually corruption: the anti-vaccine discourse prevalent in the Bolsonaro government was a way to buy time while Pfizer emails were ignored and Ministry of Health operators negotiated kickbacks in contracts that sought to sell millions of dollars. doses of the Indian Covaxin vaccine.

The scheme involved intermediaries who claimed to have vaccines that they never actually proved to have and political appointees of the leader of the Bolsonaro government in the Chamber of Deputies, Ricardo Barros, within the Ministry of Health. The deal was around R$1.6 billion, in contract that did not go ahead only because the accusations were made public. The government had already set aside R$1.6 billion to pay for 20 million doses of Covaxin, the most expensive vaccine available.

In an official letter sent to the Ministry of Health on April 5, 2021, the Federal District Attorney's Office suggested the revocation of the Covaxin purchase contract, due to suspected irregularities. The revocation only took place on June 29, when Covaxin was already stamping headlines on all news portals. Jair Bolsonaro was warned days before the scandal, but he prevaricated: he did nothing. Whether by collusion with corruption or self-serving, ongoing investigations will demonstrate.

When, by fits and starts, Brazil began to massively vaccinate its population, the number of deaths and registered cases of Covid-19 gradually dropped to the current level. And the trend is for the numbers to fall more and more as vaccination advances in the population.

How many lives would have been saved if vaccines had been treated as seriously as they should be, and not as a means of illicit enrichment for pocketmen?

The terror of Manaus: The people needed oxygen, Bolsonaro offered chloroquine

One of the most emblematic and dramatic cases of the pandemic in Brazil was, without a doubt, the collapse of the hospital system in Manaus, capital of the state of Amazonas, which ran out of oxygen available to intubated patients. People died without air in the middle of the Amazon, considered the “lung of the world”.

The crisis hit the headlines of newspapers across the country on January 14, but the federal government knew of the critical situation days before.

With data in hand that pointed to a new collapse of the health system still in December 2020, after the peak of cases that Manaus had between April and May of that year, the state governor, Wilson Lima (PSC), edited in 23 December a decree ordering the closure of non-essential businesses from December 26th and prohibiting commemorative events at the end of the year.

President Jair Bolsonaro defined the measure as absurd and, on the day the restrictions would go into effect, protests against the new rules, incited by the president and by Pocketnarista parliamentarians, blocked roads in the city. Lima, who is politically close to the president, reversed his decision and authorized the trade to continue working.

On January 8, the Ministry of Health was informed that the production of oxygen in Manaus would not be able to meet the demand of hospitals. In other words, the federal government knew six days in advance that the crisis would happen. The information is contained in a letter sent by the AGU (Attorney General of the Union) to the STF (Supreme Federal Court).

What has the Bolsonaro government done? Between January 11th and 13th, the Minister of Health, Eduardo Pazuello, was in Manaus to, among other things, promote "early treatment" against Covid-19 with medicines such as chloroquine and ivermectin, which are proven to have no efficiency. It was on these days that the TrateCov application, which prescribed chloroquine even for children, was launched at an official event in Manaus. Days later, the collapse happened.

"Death is also high": The Pocket Health Model applied by Prevent Senior

One of the most shocking episodes of this period of pandemic in Brazil was portrayed by lawyer Bruna Morato, who represents the doctors of the health plan operator Prevent Senior who made a series of complaints about the procedures performed during the pandemic, in her testimony at the CPI from Covid last September 28th.

She revealed, with the phrase that has become famous for its perversity, that the company suggested reducing the oxygen level of patients admitted to the intensive care units (ICUs) of the hospitals in the network, so that beds could be released: "Death is also high ”, was the guidance according to the doctors.

“Patients admitted to certain intensive care units, whose hospital stay was longer than 10 or 14 days, for these patients the procedure indicated was the reduction of oxygenation. The level of respirators was reduced and these patients, according to information from doctors, died in the ICU itself. “So there was a release of beds. The expression I've heard used many times is: 'Death is also high'”, he concluded.

The scandal came to light after allegations that Prevent Senior defrauded the result of an experiment, carried out without authorization from the patients themselves, with the use of drugs such as chloroquine and ivermectin in the treatment of Covid-19, which was scientifically proven ineffective. The study was carried out in agreement with the Bolsonaro government, through the Parallel Cabinet, which guided the government without the Ministry of Health itself, which used false data to defend that “Brazil cannot stop”.

VIOLENCE IN BRAZIL

In Brazil, violence is a socio-historical, fundamental and structural phenomenon in our social constitution. In addition to being a political instrument for maintaining territorial unity and the slave economic base, violence in Brazil developed as a form of sociability — the “backland code”, as conceptualized by sociologist Maria Sylvia de Carvalho.

This historical process generated cultural and institutional reflexes that, added to factors such as income concentration, led us to be one of the most violent societies in the world and with a high degree of tolerance to exorbitant numbers of murders.

Also read: Refugee crisis - tension generated by armed and political conflicts

Pelourinho, a place where physical punishment was applied to enslaved blacks, located in the city of Mariana-MG. [1]

Causes of violence in Brazil

historical background

In Brazil, violence is a historical phenomenon that persisted in all social arrangements, even after several political changes. In the colonial period (1540-1822), the Portuguese Crown used violence to enslave indigenous peoples and blacks, as well as to maintain political centrality and territorial unity in such a vast colony.

During the empire (1822-1889), the use of violence remained in the same mold and there were also rebellions for political emancipation, such as:

Revolt of the Balaios

cabin

sabinada

Ragamuffin

Even after the proclamation of the republic in 1889, which only legally reached its democratic peak with the 1988 Constitution (almost 100 years later), violence persisted as an instrument of the State, especially to repress poor populations.

During the periods of dictatorship (Estado Novo of 1937-1945 and Military Coup of 1964-1985), violence was also used as a mechanism of political repression, a mechanism that was not completely dismantled after redemocratization, as some of its practices were maintained and even today they reverberate, for example, in increasing police lethality.

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Current days

Researchers from the Brazilian Public Security Forum, David Marques and Roberta Astolfi, point out that, in the case of drug trafficking, there is a direct relationship between competition and violence. The dispute for markets by rival factions, added to the wide circulation of weapons and the actions of politically weak governments, generate an increase in violence in certain territories, such as what happens today in the North and Northeast states, where the PCC tries to expand in confrontation with the Northern Family.

When a faction conquers hegemony in a certain location, violence decreases. An example of this is the state of São Paulo, where, since the PCC became hegemony, homicide rates have gradually decreased.

Contrary to popular belief, attempted robbery is not among the main causes of violent death. Deaths caused by assault make up a small percentage of the total deaths. In 2015, for example, less than 4% of homicides were the result of robbery.

Social inequality is one of the factors that aggravate situations of violence. Homicides are concentrated in poor neighborhoods and affect, to a much greater extent, the poor population. The situation is even more worrying when inequality and racism are combined. The stigmatization of the black figure as a potential suspect makes the possibility of a young black man dying as a victim of homicide 23.5% higher than that of a non-black young man. For every 100 people murdered in Brazil, around 70 are black.

Another major factor in the increase in violence is the impunity versus punishment paradox. Brazil has one of the largest prison populations in the world, more than 40% of prisoners have not gone to trial. However, mass incarceration is linked to non-life crimes, particularly those related to drugs and theft.

When it comes to the crime of murder, the court takes an average of 8.6 years to complete a trial. In addition, the low investment in the police intelligence sector to expand their investigative capacity means that more than 90% of homicide crimes are not elucidated and, therefore, not punished.

Large migratory flows in a short period of time are also phenomena generally accompanied by an increase in violence. An example of this is the city of Altamira, in Pará, which staged a population explosion as a result of the construction of the Belo Monte plant in a short period of time and without the city's service structure being able to prepare to meet the new demand. Altamira is now the second most violent city in Brazil.

The circulation of weapons also affects indicators of violence. A study by the Institute for Applied Economic Research (Ipea) shows that for every 1% more weapons circulating, there is a 2% increase in the number of homicides in the country. In addition, laws that make the rules on the possession and carrying of weapons more flexible make it possible to reduce the traceability of weapons and ammunition, which, in turn, makes it difficult to clarify homicides by firearms.

See more: Democratic Rule of Law - State power is limited by citizens' rights

Types of violence

Violence in Brazil is a public health issue. According to the definition of the World Health Organization (WHO), violence is the:

“[…] intentional use of physical force or power, real or in threat, against oneself, another person, or against a group or community that may result in or is highly likely to result in death, injury, psychological harm, developmental or deprivation problems.”

WHO classifies violence into three categories:

Self-inflicted violence: practiced against oneself.

Examples: self-mutilation and suicide.

Interpersonal violence: against another person, it can be domestic (intra-family) or community, practiced in the social environment against acquaintances or strangers.

Examples: femicide and child sexual abuse, which, in most cases, occur in the family environment, are intra-family interpersonal violence; rape, murder and robbery (robbery followed by death) are community interpersonal violence.

Collective violence: characterized by social, territorial, political and economic domination at the macro level.

Examples: the role of organized crime through factions and militias.

Community interpersonal violence is the one that unfolds in more modalities, as it develops in line with the complexity of society itself, therefore, it can be triggered on several fronts:

political violence

gender violence

traffic violence

violence in the countryside, among others

As for the nature of the violent action, the WHO classifies it into five types:

physical abuse

psychological abuse

sexual abuse

abandonment

negligence

deprivation of care

Data on violence in Brazil

Brazil has been experiencing increasing violence since the 1970s. The peak in the homicide rate occurred in 2017, when 65,602 people were murdered in the country. As of 2018, this number began to fall, mainly because that year the Ministry of Public Security was created, data on security were gathered in a single information system and there was a policy planned and carried out in cooperation between federal entities (government Federal, state and municipal).

In 2018 there were 57,956 homicides in Brazil, a rate of 27.8 violent deaths per 100,000 inhabitants, a level lower than in 2014. The decrease in homicide rates occurred in all regions and there was a drop in lethality in 23 states and in the District Federal. This downward trend was confirmed in 2019.

As for the profile of victims, in Brazil, homicides are the main cause of death for young males, that is, aged between 15 and 29 years, a group that made up 53.3% of total homicides in 2018. Stratifying into In two subgroups, it is observed that the percentage of murders is higher against young people aged 20 to 24 years (52.3%), followed by the subgroup aged 25 to 29 years (43.7%).

Racial inequality is also noticeable in social indicators of violence. In 2018, blacks and browns were 75.7% of homicide victims. This asymmetry is also confirmed in the murder of women, as 68% of the women murdered in Brazil in 2018 were black.

The reduction in the number of homicides that took place between 2017 and 2018 was concentrated in the non-black population. Compared to the period from 2008 to 2018, the homicide rate for blacks increased by 11.5%, while the homicide rate for non-blacks decreased by 12.9%. Another important fact is that the majority of homicide victims are single men with low levels of education.

Read more: Social institutions – social bodies formed to promote the integration of society

Brazil's most violent cities

Here, we will take as a criterion for defining violence the number of murders per 100,000 inhabitants. According to data from IPEA, in partnership with the Brazilian Public Security Forum, based on the 2017 violent death indicators, the 10 most violent cities in Brazil are:

Maracanaú (CE) – 145.7

Altamira (PA) - 133.7

São Gonçalo do Amarante (RN) – 131.2

Simões Filho (BA) – 119.9

Burns (RJ) - 115.6

Dawn (RS) - 112.6

Marituba (PA) - 100.1

Porto Seguro (BA) – 101.6

Lauro de Freitas (BA) – 99.0

Camaçari (BA) – 98.1

Altamira, a city that received a large influx of population because of the work on the Belo Monte dam, is today one of the most violent cities in Brazil. [two]

It is important to note the predominance of cities in the North and Northeast regions among the most violent. The homicide rate in capitals is also no exception. The three most violent capitals are:

Fortaleza (87.9)

Rio Branco (85.3)

Bethlehem (74.3)

According to the research coordinator, Daniel Cordeiro, cities in the North and Northeast regions in recent years have become important routes for trafficking drugs produced in neighboring countries, such as Peru and Bolivia. They enter Brazil through the rivers of the Amazon Forest, from where they are taken to the ports on the northeast coast, and from there, to Europe and Africa.

Criminal factions such as the First Command of the Capital (PCC), North Family (FDN) and Comando Vermelho (CV), in their war for territorial expansion, provoke a voracious growth in the number of murders in the municipalities that make up the “trafficking corridor ”.

Another important point of the same research is that there is a movement towards the interiorization of violence, as the homicide rate has grown significantly in small municipalities. Between 2007 and 2017, municipalities with less than 100,000 inhabitants recorded a 51.5% increase in the rate of violent deaths, while in medium-sized cities (100,000 to 500,000 inhabitants), the increase in homicides was 14.5% and, in large cities (over 500,000 inhabitants) was 3.4%.

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Consequences of violence in Brazil

In Brazil, violent death is among the main causes of death for young people, between 18 and 24 years old, male. This means, in the medium and long term, a demographic change, as the life expectancy of the Brazilian population is increasing while the birth rate is decreasing and the young population is the group most affected by violent deaths.

In addition to a demographic consequence, the high rate of homicides in this age group has economic consequences, as a considerable part of the country's productive force is being decimated. Endemic violence generates:

great economic losses

real estate devaluation

losses in the production and trade of products

loss of confidence in the economic environment of affected regions

The high rates of violent deaths, which figure in the tens of thousands, absolute numbers equivalent to or greater than those in countries at war, also burden the public health system like an epidemic. Violent sociability is, in essence, anti-political. Arguments, discussions, conversations are replaced by coercion, fear, insecurity, especially where collective violence occurs, marked by territorial control and domination.

Thus, another consequence of violence is the loss of democratic freedoms, expression, association, coming and going, and even the right to property, in many parts of Brazil, is affected by violence.

LACK OF HEALTH IN BRAZIL

Public health is focused on actions to maintain the population's health, ensuring adequate treatment and disease prevention.

In Brazil, public health is regulated by the action of the State, through the Ministry of Health and other state and municipal secretariats.

The basic objective of public health is to ensure that the entire population has access to quality medical care.

History of Public Health in Brazil

Learn about the main events and achievements for the consolidation of public health in Brazil:

Health at the time of Colonization and Empire

In colonial Brazil, it was healers and barbers who provided health care to the less fortunate.

During the period of colonization and empire in Brazil, there were no public policies aimed at health. At the beginning of colonization, many indigenous people died as a result of "white man's diseases", those brought by Europeans and for which the indigenous population had no resistance.

Access to health care was determined by the individual's social class. The nobles had easy access to doctors, while the poor, slaves and indigenous people did not receive any kind of medical attention. This part of the population was dependent on philanthropy, charity and beliefs.

One of the ways to get care was through medical centers linked to religious institutions, such as the Santas Casas de Misericórdia. These spaces were maintained through donations from the community and for a long time represent the only option for people without financial means.

The year 1808 marks the arrival of the royal family in Brazil and also the creation of the first courses in Medicine. Thus, the first Brazilian doctors were formed, who slowly began to replace foreign doctors.

Public health after the independence of Brazil

After the independence of Brazil, in 1822, D. Pedro II determined the creation of bodies to inspect public health, as a way to prevent epidemics and improve the population's quality of life. Measures aimed at basic sanitation were also adopted.

At the end of the 19th century and beginning of the 20th, the city of Rio de Janeiro had several basic sanitation actions and vaccination campaign against smallpox.

Even at that time, the sewage ran in the open and the garbage did not have the proper destination, thus, the population was subject to a series of diseases.

Also read: what are human rights?

HUMAN RIGHTS ARE GUARANTEED BY OUR CONSTITUTION

In Brazil, human rights are guaranteed in the Federal Constitution of 1988, which can be considered a great legal advance, since the country has a history marked by episodes of serious disrespect to these rights, especially during the Military Regime period.

The latest constitution guarantees the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of our citizens. These guarantees appear, for example, in the first article, where the principle of citizenship, human dignity and the social values of work are established. Article 5 establishes the right to life, privacy, equality, freedom and other important fundamental rights, whether individual or collective.

Aiming to guarantee citizenship and human dignity, the Constitution defends principles such as:

gender equality;

eradication of poverty, marginalization and social inequalities;

promotion of the good of all, without prejudice of origin, race, gender, age or color;

racism as a non-prescriptive crime;

proposed the right to access health, social security, social assistance, education, culture and sport;

recognition of children and adolescents as people in development;

establishment of a policy to protect the elderly, the disabled and the various family groups;

guidance for the preservation of indigenous culture.

Although the Constitution of 1988 is the most evident mark of human rights in Brazil, they already appeared before, even in other constitutions. Understand how the evolution of human rights in Brazil occurred throughout our history.

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THE HISTORY OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN BRAZIL

One of the ways to understand the evolution of human rights in Brazil is through the different Brazilian constitutions. Principles guaranteeing political and civil rights already appeared in the Constitution of 1824, even though power was concentrated in the hands of the emperor. The aim was mainly to guarantee freedom, individual security and property.

Even so, in the imperial period slavery continued to exist, in which the enslaved were treated as the product and property of the master. The violence suffered by these people, with the loss of freedom, disrespect for their physical integrity and the loss of their own life, was clearly a disrespect for human rights.

In the Constitution of 1891, already in the republican period, direct suffrage for the election of deputies, senators, president and vice president was guaranteed. But suffrage was not universal, as it prevented women, beggars and the illiterate from voting. This constitution upheld the principles of freedom, equality and justice.

Among some measures of the Constitution of 1891 are the right to full religious freedom, full defense of the accused, right to free association and assembly, not to mention the creation of habeas corpus, as a way to remedy cases of violence or coercion for illegality or abuse of power.

With the constitutionalist revolution of 1932 and the subsequent Constitution of 1934, some concepts of security for the individual were established, such as protection of acquired rights, prohibition of imprisonment for debts, creation of legal assistance for the needy (which still happens in many Brazilian states) and the obligation to immediately notify the competent judge of any arrest or detention.

The 1934 Constitution also instituted several guarantees to the worker, such as:

The prohibition of a difference in salary for the same job and a difference in salary based on age, gender, nationality or marital status;

Prohibition of work for children under 14 and night work for children under 16, in addition to prohibiting unhealthy work for under 18s and for women;

It determined the stipulation of a minimum wage for the worker, paid weekly rest and a daily limit of 8 hours.

The constitution established several gains in social rights, but it was in effect for only three years. It came to an end with the beginning of the Estado Novo, in 1937, a period marked by the almost non-existence of human rights.

HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE NOVO STATE

With President Getúlio Vargas as the main political figure, the Estado Novo period resulted in many obstacles to the advancement of human rights. During these years (1937 to 1945), Congress was closed and almost all political parties were banned from functioning. If on the one hand there were benefits to workers, on the other there was the end of political freedom and the imposition of control mechanisms in society.

With the beginning of the Estado Novo, the 1937 Constitution came into force, which had fascist and authoritarian influences. At the time, a National Security Court was created, with competence to judge any crime against the security of the State. The government assumed wide control over the Judiciary Power and several intervenors were appointed in the federative states.

Amid this problematic scenario, fundamental rights were weakened and forgotten, mainly because of the Special Police and the Department of Press and Propaganda (DIP), which censored oral and written communications, including correspondence.

This scenario was only changed in 1946, when the Estado Novo came to an end and a new constitution came into force. This constitution restored individual rights and guarantees, in addition to expanding them, when compared to the 1934 text. But this improvement did not last long, as disrespect for fundamental rights reappeared in 1964, with the establishment of the Military Regime.

HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE MILITARY REGIME

Protest against violence in Rio de Janeiro. Photo: Vladimir Platonow/ Agência Brasil

The military period was troubled for human rights in Brazil. In 1964, the military took over the Brazilian government with the promise that the intervention would last for a short time, until the country overcome the problems that led to the intervention. Despite the promise, the Military Regime lasted 21 years and, marked by centralism and authoritarianism, resulted in serious consequences for fundamental rights.

The main area affected was the political system, with measures such as revoking the political rights of opponents, closing the Congress, extinction of political parties and the creation of the National Information Service (SNI), a kind of political police.

During the period, police repression increased on a large scale. The military forces had carte blanche to arrest government opponents without the need for formal charges or registration, including the death penalty.

The Military Regime was a period marked above all by torture, kidnappings, murders and the disappearance of opponents. There were several torture centers around the country, linked to the Detachment of Operations and Information – Center for Internal Defense Operations (DOI-Codi), an intelligence agency subordinated to the State.

In 1979, then-president João Baptista Figueiredo enacted the amnesty law, which allowed opponents of the regime to return to the country, but also defended that the military could not be prosecuted for crimes committed during the dictatorship.

In 2012, the National Truth Commission (CNV) was established to investigate human rights violations committed between 1946 and 1988, with greater focus on the period of the military dictatorship.

The final report, released in 2014, indicated 434 victims among the dead and disappeared, and also showed 377 responsible for the crimes committed in the period. Although the commission does not have the power to punish, it defends that the 196 responsible people still alive be brought to justice.

CURRENT CHALLENGES OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN BRAZIL

The fundamental rights protected by the current constitution place Brazil as one of the countries with the most complete legal system in relation to human rights. With that, human rights became a commitment of the Federal Government and today they are conducted as a public policy. However, decades after the establishment of the new constitution, there are still many difficulties in getting these principles off the ground.

According to the human rights advisor at Amnesty International, Maurício Santoro, human rights in Brazil are an issue marked by contradictions. For him, the country has great laws on the subject, but the big problem is that they are still not enforced.

The State of Human Rights in the World report, organized by Amnesty International, shows that among Brazil's main failures in human rights, problems such as:

the high rate of homicides in the country, especially among black youth;

police abuses and extrajudicial executions committed by police officers in formal or parallel operations, in death squads or militias;

the critical situation of the prison system;

the vulnerability of human rights defenders, particularly in rural areas;

the violence suffered by the indigenous population, especially the failures in land demarcation policies; and

the various forms of violence against women.

The great concern is that these problems have persisted in the country for about 30 years, without the authorities having created effective solutions to change the scenario. For the executive director of Amnesty International in Brazil, Atila Roque, Brazil lives in a permanent state of human rights violation. Even though the country has made progress in some areas, such as poverty reduction, the situation has remained critical in several other sectors.

According to Roque, the good news is that, despite government failures to improve the human rights situation, society has invested in transforming this scenario. The change has been taking place in the mobilization of the suburbs and favelas, the main victims of human rights violations, and in the various manifestations of people taking to the streets or launching campaigns to demand their rights.

SCHOOLS FOR UNEMPLOYED YOUNG

The unemployment rate among young people has been, on average, twice the general unemployment rate in Brazil, as shown by the indicators of the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE). Until August, for example, unemployment among the population aged 18 to 24 closed at 25.8%, compared to 12% of general unemployment in the period.

As a teacher in the state education network of Paraná, of technical courses in professional education, I have, together with my colleagues, noticed how this social tragedy is being reflected in the classroom. I teach in the so-called “subsequent technical courses”, a kind of “post-high school” technical courses, as they are popularly known, because they are aimed at those who have completed high school.

In these courses there is a predominance of students precisely in this age group in which the IBGE registers an explosion in unemployment – young men and women aged between 18 and 24 years old, more or less. There are students in other age groups, but this is where most of the members of the classes are.

The subsequent public courses have a unique social function. They represent an opportunity to return to the classroom for generations who lived as youth before the expansion of technical and higher education networks occurred by public policies in 2004 and 2014. That is, they completed high school and were forced to join dedicate to working life. With the technical courses implemented from the last decade to this one, they found the school again.

These same courses also serve three purposes for the most recent generations, the ones who live the youth itself. Or as a transition between high school and higher education – subsequent courses allow young people to mature in their choices. Or, to those who have entered a college, and look to subsequent knowledge to assist. Or those who want to focus on technical training.

In other words: the subsequent public vocational courses give young people perspectives to chart their future, engender their life projects.

Because the economic crisis, which has plagued the country since democracy was disrupted with the 2016 coup (which began to be built two years earlier), is taking away from these young people the hope of building better lives than their families. had. We do not have – my colleagues and I – accurate statistics yet, but students have routinely dropped out of studies due to an absolute lack of economic and social condition.

With no job, and no prospect of finding one, they are thus left with no money to drive home to school, and are forced to stop attending classes. Other cases are those who even get some placement, but in totally precarious labor relations occupations: no regular hours, very low pay that requires long hours so that at the end of the month the money is minimally enough, leading to a lack of time and strength to the dedication to studies.

Teachers and pedagogical staff were appalled by the scenario, indignant with the situation, and feeling powerless in the face of a horizon that was not at all nurturing – including for the exercise of their own role as an educator. How long will this be supported?

WORKSHOP FOR UNEMPLOYED YOUNG

The Municipality of Eusébio, through the Department of Social Development, aiming to promote the actions of the Acessuas Trabalho Program, held in November, the Orientation Workshop to the World of Work, where students can develop their skills, having the opportunity to learn to build your resume, personal marketing, how to participate in a selection process and the interview in practice, thus facilitating your insertion in the labor market, which is fundamental for the process of personal and social autonomy.

According to the Social Development secretary, Michele Queiroz, at the end of each workshop, the participant registered with the SINE and was referred to open job vacancies. "As soon as he has the profile requested by the company, he will be called to fill the vacancy", he points out.

The workshops took place at the Dolores Alcântara Service Center, in Mangabeira, at CRAS Jabuti and at CRAS Sede. In this work, 51 teenagers from Lar Davis received training. Lar Davis is a non-profit institution focused on restoring and preparing lives. Welcoming children who live at risk, leading them to live in a decent place, with good food, education, care and protection. Operating for 14 years in Brazil and founded by the Americans Mark and Paige Anderson, the organization works in Pedra/Santo Antônio.

Mayor Acilon Gonçalves points out that Eusébio has been working to provide young people with all the possible tools so that they can succeed in winning their first job. It observes that, more than preparing the young, the municipality accompanies their preparation for life from childhood to adolescence. “Our priority is to train citizens who are prepared for the challenges and for great personal and professional achievements”, he pointed out.

RACISM IN BRAZIL

Racism in Brazil is shaped by more than three centuries of slavery and by racialist theories that were part of the construction of national identity. After abolition, the absence of the State in the integration of the black population through the provision of material and political conditions for their participation in a free society ensured the survival and resignification of the slavery mentality and practice in the structures of the republic.

As Joaquim Nabuco, an abolitionist politician, assertively said: "Our character, temperament, our morals are terribly affected by the influences with which slavery spent 300 years permeating Brazilian society (...) until this work is completed, abolitionism will always have a raison d'être".

Read also: The limitations of the Lei Áurea - law that abolished slavery in Brazil

What is racism?

Anti-racist protest held on June 7, 2020, in the city of São Paulo. |1|

Racism is the act of discriminating, that is, distinguishing a person or group by associating their physical and ethnic characteristics with stigmas, stereotypes, prejudices. This distinction implies a differentiated treatment, which results in exclusion, segregation, oppression, taking place at different levels, such as spatial, cultural, social. As defined in Article 1 of the Racial Equality Statute:

"Racial or ethnic-racial discrimination: any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, color, descent or national or ethnic origin that has as its object the annulment or restriction of the recognition, enjoyment or exercise, under equal conditions, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public or private life” |1|.

The term race, in the 19th century, was based on the taxonomic classifications of the biological sciences by which living beings were categorized. Thus, it was assumed that, in human groups, genetic characteristics determined phenotypic and even social characteristics. The expression, still used today, that well exemplifies this association is that we say that a person has a certain behavior or ability because “it's in the blood”.

The application of Darwinian theory to the human sciences produced rationalist and evolutionary social theories that started from the premises that there would be a racial superiority of certain social groups over others and that human history was unilateral and divided into phases, which would lead from barbarism to civilization ( societies considered superior considered themselves at the stage of civilization). This type of thinking served as a justification for neocolonial undertakings and also for the already established slavery of non-white peoples, which would reverberate in the following centuries in the most varied forms of racism.

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Historical aspects of racism in Brazil

Between 1501 and 1870, more than 12.5 million Africans were kidnapped, sold into slavery and transported to the American continent. Of these, 1 in 4 were sent to Brazil, around 4.8 million by the second half of the 19th century. About 20%, 1.8 million people, did not reach their destination – they died of scurvy, smallpox, measles, syphilis, dysentery or even the brutality of traffickers. Often the dead lay for days with the living on slave ships until they were thrown overboard.

During this period, even the habit of schools of sharks in the Atlantic Ocean was modified, as pointed out by journalist Laurentino Gomes in his book “Slavery”. Some Africans committed suicide by jumping into the high seas, and those who survived the crossing, which could last for months, arrived in the new lands debilitated, malnourished, sick, injured and sometimes blinded by eye infections.

The slave trade forcibly brought Africans to be enslaved in Brazil.

The official landing record of enslaved people in Brazil dates back to 1530, when sugarcane production began to emerge. The height of the slave trade in Brazil took place between 1800 and 1850. Most of the blacks who disembarked here came from Angola, Congo, Mozambique and the Gulf of Benin. The precarious conditions of hygiene, food and rest, the exhausting journeys and the cruel physical punishments to which they were subjected restricted the life expectancy of the enslaved to an average of 25 years.

In the second half of the 19th century, Brazil had a large black population, an intensification of flight and the formation of quilombos, international pressure - especially from England - for the end of slavery and the need to adapt to capitalism, which was in process expansion in the country. Brazil was the largest slave territory in the Western Hemisphere, it was the last to extinguish the slave trade – with the Eusébio de Queirós Law in 1850 – and also the last to abolish slavery, which occurred through the Lei Áurea, in 1888.

According to historian Luiz Felipe Alencastro, what was at stake in the context of abolition was not only the freedom of the enslaved, but the fear that an agrarian reform would take place. The abolitionist André Rebouças, a black engineer, proposed that a tax be created on unproductive farms and that these lands be distributed among former slaves.

There was, however, an agreement between landowners and the republican movement so that rural property was spared and freedom granted to blacks without compensation or alternative for insertion in the labor market of free men. Thus, the landowners began to bring European immigrants to work on the land, and the ex-enslaved, even though they were Brazilian, were left without work in the countryside and, in part, in the city, in addition to not enjoying full citizenship - most were composed illiterate and therefore could not vote.

Furthermore, the practice of slavery with severe physical punishment meant that, in Brazil, torture was legalized for slaves. When abolished, the practice of whipping and beating was widespread and continued to be practiced by police officers, even though by law it was prohibited. The mechanisms of slavery repression survived slavery.

João Cândido reads the Manifesto of the Chibata Revolt: insurrection of black sailors calling for an end to corporal punishment (1910).

Another important aspect is the question of housing and work. Abolition, without the creation of mechanisms for a new start in life and that would integrate the black population into a free society based on salaried work, led this population to continue in poverty, without work or with precarious jobs, living on the outskirts of cities, far away. from the central neighborhoods, without schooling and, consequently, without the right to participate in politics.

The conservative project of modernization in Brazil was not interested in integrating the black population, even because it was guided by racialist ideas that associated mestizaje with backwardness, so modernizing meant whitening Brazilian society, a thought that not even some abolitionists like Joaquim Nabuco escaped. .

Read also: Three great black Brazilian abolitionists

Myth of racial democracy

The idea of racial democracy refers to a society without discrimination or legal and cultural barriers to equality between ethnic groups. It is essentially utopian, since full equality and the complete absence of any kind of prejudice do not and have never occurred anywhere in the world.

In Brazil, however, the formation of national identity had as one of its components the myth of racial democracy, that is, the idea of mestizaje as a place of convergence between the many peoples who arrived here and of the harmonious coexistence between blacks and enslaved indigenous people. and Portuguese, a concept even reinforced in classics from our literature and sociology, such as in the work “Casa-Grande e Senzala”, by Gilberto Freyre.

Poster from the National Archives of Brazil for the end of slavery in Brazil.

There was the idea of a false harmony in which white lords “gave room” to some mulattos to whom they were fond, as long as they did not threaten their leadership. The myth of racial democracy consists in transforming, in the field of discourse, this exceptional situation into the rule.

This limited acceptance, added to the post-abolition legal equality, which did not take place because it did not include the political equality of voting and associating in pursuit of rights, also led to a false idea of meritocracy, by which blacks and whites were in a condition of equality in opportunities and resources, and the failure of black people was the result of personal characteristics, such as indolence, incapacity, moral degradation and ignorance – a hypothesis endorsed by scientific racism, which attributed them to biological deficiencies.

This mentality was effective in dismantling the black population so that it would not retaliate against its former masters and would not demand from them or from the Brazilian State reparation for the damage suffered or compensatory policies. Here the Marxian concept of ideology is applied, by which the ruling class produces and spreads an inverted view of reality, purposely distorting the pattern of social relations to lead the oppressed to accept dispossession, as the brilliant black intellectual Abdias do Nascimento asserted:

“We must understand racial democracy as meaning the perfect metaphor to designate Brazilian-style racism: not as obvious as US racism nor legalized as South African apartheid, but effectively institutionalized at official levels of government as well as pervasive in the fabric social, psychological, economic, political and cultural of the country's society.”|2|

To learn more about the subject, read our text: Racial Democracy.

Structural racism in Brazil

Brazil is the country with the largest black population outside Africa in absolute numbers. However, this population, which is the majority in the composition of Brazilian society, is underrepresented in all spheres of social life. This is because, although there is legal equality, there are informal mechanisms of discrimination that filter their access to opportunities, qualification and decision-making spheres, as the greatest Brazilian sociologist, Florestan Fernandes, points out in his book “The integration of blacks in class society ”|3|:

“The disintegration of the slavery and landlord regime took place, in Brazil, without the removal of the former slave labor agents from assistance and guarantees that would protect them in the transition to the free labor system. The lords were exempted from the responsibility for the maintenance and security of the freedmen, without the State, the Church or any other institution assuming special responsibilities, with the objective of preparing them for the new regime of organization of life and work”.

This central problem engendered what we now call structural racism. The absence of public policies for the integration of the newly freed black population, relegating it to its own fate, generated dramatic consequences that were reproduced over time.

Structural racism permeates all spheres of social life, in culture, in institutions, in politics, in the labor market, in educational training. It is the secular result of a country based on slavery bases, influenced by racialist dogmas and which did not seek to integrate the population of ex-enslaved into its formal system, relegating them to marginality and blaming them for the disastrous consequences of this deliberate abandonment. It may seem far away, but slavery was abolished only 131 years ago, and the racial inequality caused by it and by the incomplete transition to freedom, since it did not provide the means for autonomy, are noticeable in Brazil today.

The Racial Equality Statute defines racial inequality as |1|: "any unjustified situation of differentiation in access to and enjoyment of goods, services and opportunities, in the public and private spheres, by virtue of race, color, descent or national or ethnic origin" . Racial inequality is the result of structural racism.

Data on racism in Brazil

According to IBGE data from 2018|4|, 56.10% of the Brazilian population declares themselves as black or brown. However, when we look at labor market data, 68.6% of managerial positions were held by whites, and only 29.9% by blacks or browns.

In the underutilized workforce rate, that is, people who work less than they would like to, 29% were black or brown against 18.8% of underemployed whites. In legislative representation, among federal deputies, 75.6% were white, against 24.4% black or brown. The illiteracy rate among white people was 3.9%; among blacks and browns, it was 9.1%. In the homicide rates per 100,000 inhabitants aged 15 to 29 years, the white population had an average of 34.0, and the black or brown population had 98.5, that is, the chance of a young black person dying of homicide is almost three times that of a young white man.

Informal occupation is also higher among blacks and browns (47.3%) than among whites (34.6%.) Wage inequality is notorious when the average income is stratified. The monthly income of white people in that year was R$2,796.00, and the average monthly income of black or brown people was R$1,608.00.

Furthermore, even though it is the majority in Brazil, this group, in 2018, represented only 27.7% of people with the highest incomes; however, in the group with the lowest incomes, it comprises 75.2% of individuals. The housing conditions of the black or brown population also show differences in relation to the white population. There are more blacks and browns living in households without garbage collection (12.5% against 6.0% of the white population), without general water supply (17.9% against 11.5% of the white population) and without sewage (42.8% against 26.5% of the white population).

A survey carried out by the Laboratory of Economic, Social and Statistical Analysis of Racial Relations at UFRJ between 2007 and 2008 found that, in 70% of the actions for racism or racial injury in that period in Brazil, it was the defendant who won; in only 30% of cases, the victory belonged to the victim. According to the Court of Justice of Rio Grande do Sul, which from 2005 began to consider data on cases of racial injury and racism, between 2005 and 2018, only 6.8% of the cases for these crimes resulted in conviction in the state. In Bahia, between 2011 and 2018, only seven cases for racism were tried, one per year.

On the other hand, the 13th Yearbook of Violence, compiled by the Brazilian Public Security Forum in 2019, points out that, in 2018, 75.4% of victims of police lethality were black or brown, mostly young and male. The survey also reveals that black women represent 61% of femicide victims and 50.9% of rape victims. Data from the National Penitentiary Department (Depen), in the last national survey carried out in 2016, show that 65% of the Brazilian prison population is composed of blacks and browns.

These data underscore the urgency of promoting public policies aimed at the brown and black population in order to democratize access to public services and opportunities.

Also read: November 20th – National Black Awareness Day

Anti-racism law in Brazil

If we make a comprehensive observation of laws related to the fight against racism in Brazil, we will find a meager legislation related to the subject. Since the Proclamation of the Republic, one of the first legal measures whose applicability could theoretically encompass situations of racism is contained in the Brazilian Penal Code, whose Decree-Law No. 2,848, of December 7, 1940, in Article 140, typifies libel as a crime. In the modifications it underwent later, it came to typify racial injury.

On July 3, 1951, the National Congress approved Law No. 1390, which became known as the Afonso Arinos Law, which criminalized discrimination based on race or color. The enactment of this law was motivated by a situation of discrimination suffered by an American dancer, Katherine Dunham, who was prevented from staying in a hotel in São Paulo because of her color, which had bad repercussions at the time in the foreign press.

Law No. 2,889, of October 1, 1956, in its Article 1, typifies as “qualified homicide cases in which there is an intention to kill a national, ethnic, racial or religious group”, with a penalty of 12 to 30 years of imprisonment. Public incitement to crime against these groups is also criminalized in Article 3. In 1990, in Law No. 8072, which provides for heinous crimes, the crime of genocide provided for in Law No. 2,889 is qualified as such.

In the 1988 Constitution, article 3, in its item IV, establishes as the main objective of the New Republic “to promote the good of all, without prejudice of origin, race, sex, color, age and any other forms of discrimination”. Article 4, item VII, defines that “Brazilian international relations are governed by the repudiation of terrorism and racism”.

Law No. 7716, of January 5, 1989, defines the crimes of prejudice based on color and race and establishes penalties for situations of discrimination: in a public or private work environment, such as being denied access to jobs, positions, military service, or undergo differentiated treatment; in public places, such as being prevented from entering public transport, public buildings, clubs, restaurants, etc. This law also establishes punishments for “practices of incitement to discrimination or prejudice based on race, color”, criminalizing, also, the manufacture, sale and distribution of advertisements inciting these types of prejudice. This is the law that provides for the crime of racism, that is, racial discrimination practiced against a community. This law made racism an imprescriptible and unbailable crime.

Law No. 9,459, of May 13, 1997, made changes to the anti-racist legislation. Law No. 7716 added the punishment of discrimination and incitement to discrimination based on ethnicity, religion or national origin, in addition to the prejudice of race and color previously foreseen. Article 140 of Decree-Law No. 2,848 added “elements referring to race, color, ethnicity, religion or origin” in the specification of injury. Later, Law No. 10,741, of 2003, expanded the definition to include “the condition of elderly or disabled person”.

In 2003, Law No. 10.639 modified the Basic Education Guidelines Law, introducing the mandatory teaching of Afro-Brazilian and African history and culture in elementary schools.

On July 20, 2010, Law No. 12,288 instituted the Racial Equality Statute, “destined to guarantee the black population the realization of equal opportunities, the defense of individual, collective and diffuse ethnic rights and the fight against discrimination and others forms of ethnic intolerance”. This statute modified the previous laws, updating them. Included in Law No. 7716, for example, the possibility of banning messages and internet pages. Law No. 12,735, of November 30, 2012, provides for “the cessation of the respective radio, television, electronic transmissions or publication by any means” for incitement to racial prejudice.

The Racial Equality Statute, in addition to updating and expanding the reach of previous anti-racist laws, has a purposeful dimension of providing a legal basis for public policies aimed at reducing racial inequalities in access to goods, services and opportunities. In this scope are affirmative actions, such as the Quota Law, Law No. 12,711/2012, which reserves places in undergraduate courses at federal universities for public school students, black, indigenous and quilombolas, and Law No. 12.990/14, which establishes quotas for blacks and browns in federal exams.

It is important to emphasize that, in addition to the enactment of anti-racist legislation, it is essential to promote its effectiveness.

Also read: Religious intolerance - form of prejudice due to religion

racism and prejudice

Prejudice, according to the Aurélio Dictionary, is the “concept or opinion formed in advance, without further consideration or knowledge of the facts; preconceived idea; judgment or opinion formed without taking into account the fact that contests them; suspicion, intolerance, irrational hatred or aversion to other races, creeds, religions, etc.” |5|.

Racism is a form of prejudice, as prejudice is made to others due to physical or ethnic characteristics, but there are numerous other forms of prejudice, based on economic status, religion, gender, sexuality, education, political position , etc. Prejudices are built in our socialization by assimilating perceptions to which we are exposed throughout life, they are associations between biological or social factors (color, income, religion, education, sexual orientation, ethnicity, etc.) and behaviors, character traits or specific conditions, such as being incompetent, being corrupt, being sick, being unintelligent, being violent, among others.

This association can also be “positive”. There are those who say that every Japanese is an expert in technology, every Jew is in good financial condition, every Arab is a good negotiator, every black person is a good athlete and a good singer.

The preconception established about the other is a way we found to give predictability to the relationships and situations we experience. When based on a “positive” value judgment, it restricts the possibilities of the other to a reductionism imposed on him, limiting his abilities. When guided by a negative value judgment, it can generate situations of social exclusion and even intolerance, aversion and violence. Recognizing and deconstructing the mental associations between specific characteristics and behaviors is fundamental for us to be able to free ourselves from the different forms of prejudice and create fairer and more humane ways of relating and dealing with what is different.

HOMOSEXUALISM IN BRAZIL

The homosexual portion of the Brazilian population, estimated at about 17.9 million people, celebrated last August a decision of the STJ that admitted the legal possibility of recognition of a stable union between people of the same sex. For many couples it is a big step, since Brazilian legislation does not see a family in homosexual unions.

The number that approaches the 18 million Brazilians who would be homosexuals is an estimate of the Brazilian Association of Gays, Lesbians, Bisexuals, Transvestites and Transsexuals and appears registered in an article inserted yesterday in the STJ website.

Public servant M., age 36, who has lived with another woman for five years, believes that any measure taken to recognize rights is valid, whether for homosexuals or anyone else. According to her, this decision, specifically, demonstrates that prejudice, which is still very large, is losing ground.

People should respect others for their ethics and character and not care what they do or don't do inside their homes, in their private lives. Unless it's harmful to others, no one has anything to do with it, he says.

In the decision of the 4th Panel of the STJ, it was established that there is no legal prohibition on the prosecution of the request for a declaration of stable union filed by a homosexual couple in the State Court of Rio de Janeiro. According to Minister Luís Felipe Salomão, who broke the tie on the issue, the legal provisions are limited to establishing the possibility of a stable union between a man and a woman, as long as they meet the conditions imposed by law, namely, public coexistence, lasting and continuous, without , however, prohibit the union between two men or two women.

Homoaffective relationships are a reality in Brazil and in the world. Denmark was the first country to recognize gay unions in 1989. South Africa's 1996 Constitution was the first to explicitly prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation. The Netherlands was the first country to authorize civil marriage between people of the same sex, in 2001.

However, Brazilian law so far does not specifically regulate the issue of same-sex union. The doctrine is unanimous in considering that there can be no marriage between people of the same sex, considering the diversity of sexes as a fundamental requirement for the characterization of marriage, as well as the solemn form and consent. Thus, a homosexual union with a legal nature of marriage is not conceived.

Regardless of whether or not the union between people of the same sex is recognized as a family entity, same-sex relationships seek to find, in one way or another, legal protection. Issues such as constitution of assets, pension, sharing of assets, inclusion of a partner as a dependent in a health care plan, etc. they are nothing new in the STJ, which has already established jurisprudence on equity issues.

The first case examined in the STJ (Resp nº 148.897) was reported by Minister Ruy Rosado de Aguiar, now retired. In 1998, the Gaucho decided that, in case of separation from a homosexual couple, the partner would have the right to receive half of the assets obtained by the common effort.

The 6th Panel of the STJ also recognized the partner's right to receive the pension for the death of the deceased partner (Resp nº 395.904). The understanding, initiated by Minister Hélio Quaglia Barbosa - who died this year - is that the legislator, when drafting the Federal Constitution, did not exclude homo-affective relationships from producing effects in the field of social security law, which is, in fact, a mere gap which must be filled in from other sources of law.

In another decision (Resp nº 238.715), Minister Humberto Gomes de Barros denied an appeal by Caixa Econômica Federal that intended to prevent a homosexual from placing his partner for more than seven years as a dependent on the health plan. The minister highlighted that the same-sex relationship generates rights and, similarly to a stable union, allows the inclusion of the dependent partner in a health care plan.

There are already some initiatives to make the recognition of civil unions between people of the same sex a reality in our legal system. Bill No. 1151 /95 is one of them. The proposal guarantees that two people who share a life in common with emotional ties, regardless of gender, have the possibility of regularizing this situation, constituting, for example, a family asset and sharing the heritage built together. The project has undergone some changes and a replacement is awaiting inclusion on the agenda of the Plenary of the Chamber of Deputies.

RELIGION AND POLITICS IN BRAZIL

The relationship between religion and politics is a recurrent object of study in the social sciences. The rise of religiosity in recent decades has mobilized researchers' attention to the interface between these spheres in the contemporary world. In Brazil, the phenomenon has unique contours and variations, given the growing inclusion of Christian religious groups in institutional politics.

This text aims to diagnose the forms of construction of the relationship between religion and politics in Brazil. To develop the argument, we divided the text into two sections, which address historical and conceptual elements about the phenomenon in Brazil. In the first section we examine how the Catholic Church influenced the drafting of the 1933 Constitution through the Catholic Electoral League, as well as its close relationship with the Vargas government and its support for the 1964 military coup. da Libertação (TL) and the Basic Ecclesial Communities (CEBs) led to the orientation of Catholicism and the transformation of the Church's relationship with politics and national elites.

In the second section, the text analyzes the emergence of Pentecostals and Neo-Pentecostals as political actors within the context of the Constituent Assembly, responsible for drafting the 1988 Brazilian Constitution. its liturgy and political ideals, as well as to consolidate itself in the legislative environment through the formation of one of the main parliamentary benches of the Brazilian Congress.

The advance of religious groups in politics has given a conservative character to the discussions and legislation proposed in recent years. In this sense, topics such as the decriminalization of abortion, egalitarian civil marriage, euthanasia and other agendas with an impact on religious and/or moral values have become taboos in the national political environment. Instead, the survey data record the significant mobilization of political representatives linked to religious parliamentary fronts to expand the restrictions and criminalization of these practices. For this reason, we believe that the points discussed in this work present contributions to think about the phenomenon and the consequences of the religious incursion in Brazilian politics, mainly by analyzing together and in a comparative way the action of the Catholic Church and of the Pentecostal and neo-Pentecostal churches.

The political intervention of the Catholic Church

The Constitution of Brazil of 1891 established, at least formally, the separation between the State and religion. Even if this division was not a reflection of deep ruptures in the relations between these spheres, however, it is worth considering that at that time there were social dynamics in motion that could shake the power of influence of the Catholic Church. We are referring to secular trends, such as liberalism, rationalism, positivism and communism, which at that time were, to some extent, permeable conceptions among some fractions of elites and social movements in Brazil. As Scott Mainwaring maintains, this challenged the Church's capacity to respond to a possible scenario of recomposition of social organization and the rise of ideas that were contrary to its faith and dogmas.

In view of this scenario, the Brazilian Catholic Church promoted internal transformations between 1891 and 1920, in order to enhance its presence in society. Its weak situation in the country in terms of finances, human resources, and influence (especially compared to the political and social strength of the Church in Hispanic America), magnified the size of its challenges at the time. Now as an autonomous institution, since the investments and support of the Church until then were provided (by directives of the Holy See) by the State.

In this historical context, there are Christian denominations that emerge in the Brazilian religious and social field, especially the incursions of Pentecostalism in the first two decades of the 20th century. This segment will be (from 1970) the great force in the religious sphere to threaten the social and political hegemony of the Catholic Church. For now, it is only necessary to identify the two main denominations of the period, which introduced theological innovations in national Christianity, through the belief in the gifts of the Holy Spirit. The oldest Pentecostal Church in the country is the Christian Congregation (CC), founded in 1910 in São Paulo by dissident members of Protestant churches. The CC's aversion to politics and the media dissemination of its understanding of the faith made its social and political weight peripheral over the years. The Assembly of God, founded in 1911 by Swedish missionaries who settled in the state of Pará (in the north of the country), became until the 1950s the greatest expression of the Pentecostal church in Brazil.

As a form of reaction and reaffirmation of its beliefs, the Catholic Church built a discourse supported by the good/evil duality, where the modern world, represented by new conceptions of social organization, was treated as harmful and contrary to God, to moral values, to family and authority. Likewise, this duality was used with regard to religions that achieved popular ascension, among them Pentecostalism and Spiritism. Therefore, according to Marina Bandeira, the Church presented itself as the guardian of the “vital” values for the social order, at the same time as the only way of communication with God, in view of the campaigns against emerging religions, considered to be sects.

Scott Mainwaring emphasizes that the rise of communism and the trade union movement mobilized the adhesion of most Catholics to the integralist movement (of conservative inspiration). In addition to campaigns to “demonize” this political orientation and its members, in the early 1930s the Church created associations such as the Catholic Workers' Circles and the Catholic Workers Youth, which functioned as institutions competing with the unions in the mobilization of workers. Even linked to these associations, the workers were encouraged by the Church to remain unionized, especially to demarcate opposition to the positions of the left in the meetings of their respective unions.

These examples are important initiatives to have an outline of the relationship between the Catholic Church and politics in Brazil during the first decades of the 20th century. They denote a certain power of resistance of the institution against possible threats from its hegemony as provider of a moral and religious status to society. However, for the purposes of this study, no undertaking was as unique as the Catholic Electoral League (LEC). Since it constituted one of the main intervention strategies of religious goals and conceptions in the political sphere, since the separation of both.

The objective of the LEC was to influence the composition of the federal legislature in the 1933 elections and, consequently, the National Constituent Assembly that would be (and was) held in 1933. The LEC was instituted throughout Brazil and operated through committees, which were in charge to identify possible representatives of his project within the Church for the 1933 elections. Later, the LEC analyzed all the electoral platforms of the candidates to the legislature, to stipulate to Catholics which were recommended and which should be avoided. The criteria used to promote candidacies basically took into account the position of the candidate regarding moral values and their alignment with the interests of the Church, among these, the issue of divorce and religious education in schools.

The 1933 elections revealed the impressive victory of LEC's electoral strategy, given that the majority of candidates with its support were elected. However, Felipe Leite's research points out that the LEC's action was not limited to building candidacies and offering Catholics an electoral menu of “acceptable” candidates to the legislature, its action was also directed towards the supervision of those elected under its tutelage. In this sense, the Church formed commissions in its interior with the aim of debating the Civil and Penal Code, the Electoral Law and the defense of family values. Thus, parliamentarians in the National Congress acted as interlocutors to pressure the political system for the interests of the Church in the elaboration of the constitution.

The political instability of the period made that moment the most opportune to exert this form of pressure, with a view to “re-Christianizing” the country and restoring social and religious hegemony. The 1934 Constitution was the great reflection of this religious offensive in the political sphere, since the Church's demands were incorporated into the new constitutional text, such as the prohibition of divorce, religious teaching in schools and the establishment of state subsidies for works assistance linked to the Church.

It is possible to elaborate here a reflection on the comparison between Catholic political intervention in this period (1930s) and the Pentecostal/Neo-Pentecostal political rise (which will be discussed below), which began in the 1980s. First, the contexts are similar, that is, , Brazil was in the process of drafting new constitutions (1934 and 1988, respectively) and there were social groups that aspired to the inclusion of new legal reorderings in these texts, to which these religious institutions were against, because they understood that such reordering would subvert certain values moral and/or religious. Second, it is worth highlighting the strategies undertaken. Bearing in mind that in both cases the construction of electoral cadres remaining inside the churches was sought, as well as the approval or “demonization” for those rejected candidates. By this we do not mean that there is a pattern of reproduction between these two experiences, that is, a successful recipe adopted by Catholics and which was later copied by Pentecostals/Neo-Pentecostals. Despite this, we only intend to draw attention to the porosity of society and the political system in absorbing these strategies/interventions from the religious world in politics. It is worth noting that in both cases there were reactions from social groups. However, there was not a wide debate, motivated by the strangeness of the interference of religious groups in politics.

Scott Mainwaring maintains that after the Constitutional Charter, a solid political alliance of agreements was established between the Catholic Church and the Vargas government (1930-1945). On the one hand, the State met important demands of the Church, such as the obstruction of political impulses guided by liberalism and communism, in addition to granting privileges to the Church. In turn, the leaders in charge of the political arrangement at that time identified the gains from their alliance with the Church as extremely positive, especially with regard to the regime's social support.

Based on this composition present in the Vargas era, we want to underline the even more peripheral place that the liberal perspective came to occupy in Brazil. Far from being in the 20th century a political orientation inclined to rupture established power relations, such as socialism, Brazilian liberals, in general, were reasonably committed to promoting the importance of values sustained by reason, technical/scientific knowledge and secularization , among other points. These were enough reasons to “enter the line of fire” of the Church and conservative political sectors, which caused their political marginalization.

With the end of the Vargas era, there were changes in the alliance between Church and State. This is because, in the democratic period (1946-1964), the Church no longer had the same support as the State, and the relations between these institutions were no longer so stable. Furthermore, internal currents were pressing for changes in the Brazilian Catholic Church, which remained conservative, concerned with conquering and building links with urban and rural elites and with the middle class, to the detriment of the general public. At the first convention of the National Conference of Bishops of Brazil (CNBB) in 1952, Dom Hélder Câmara emphasized the need for new perspectives, for example, through the encouragement of lay organizations and closer ties with the popular classes.

In this environment, the expansion of urban centers occurred, industrialization and migratory flows from the North/Northeast to the Southeast, which are unique features of the first democratic experience. These processes had an impact on the emergence of Pentecostalism in urban centers, more specifically in the city of São Paulo. The so-called second wave/phase of Pentecostalism was marked by the belief in divine healing, added to the gifts of the Holy Spirit, elements already present in other denominations. The combination of social, urban and political changes and the emergence of these denominations at the center of such transformations gave Pentecostalism a broad insertion in the popular classes. Despite their significant social presence, most Pentecostals remained aloof from any debate related to institutional politics. For this reason, we have focused so far on only diagnosing the main elements of its development, as it is from the third phase/wave on that the relationship of this segment with politics will change.

The repositioning of the Catholic Church in face of these changes and the contemporary world was materialized in the Ecumenical Council held in 1961, better known as the Second Vatican Council. This event reviewed the standards of authority, the importance of the laity and the option for the “poor” became the institution's official position. As highlighted by José F. Régis de Morais and Ernesto Seidl, the Church had to face at once with issues accumulated over the centuries. In short, Vatican II “recognized” that social hegemony and the Church's positions were already deteriorated, so it was necessary to make social transformations more flexible. The resolutions of the event pointed to a major theological change, where the Church should prioritize its presence in the world.

After Vatican II there was growing tension between progressive and conservative groups within national Catholicism, as the latter aimed to undertake changes gradually, preserving old structures. It is essential to emphasize the weight of lay organizations in this dispute, such as the JUC, JOC, ACB and Ação Popular (AP), created in 1961, in view of the conflicts with the conservative hierarchy. More than taking a stand in the current tension, these associations broke with crystallized paradigms, by demonstrating that lay people could think and offer paths to Catholicism, without relying exclusively on the clergy for this. Due to their closeness to leftist groups, their criticism of capitalism and their proposal to intervene in the world to promote social justice through Catholicism, these associations were considered the genesis of CEBs and the conceptions that formed TL in the country.

Despite the ecclesial reorientation in Catholicism and the rise of progressive strands in Brazil, the Church supported the military coup in 1964. , was driven to put pressure on the so-called “Catholic Left”. This hierarchy strategy produced substantial effects in the disarticulation of progressive sectors, given that some lay associations had activists arrested, were considered subversive and became illegal from 1966 onwards.

We believe that the Church's support for the coup and the military regime is another important chapter in the fruitful dialogues established between religion and politics in Brazil. Since the alliance between these spheres denoted the composition of a structured political arrangement that conferred part of the legitimacy of the military intervention, while also enabling ecclesial elites to curb sudden changes that could threaten their power to control the Church. In our view, at least until this moment in history, it seems that any possibility of deeper social transformation was enough to mobilize the alliance between these spheres, in order to weaken internal and/or external opponents to what was in force in the structures of these institutions .

In the first years of the military regime, the Brazilian Catholic Church remained silent on the cases of repression and practically unchanged regarding the theological changes promoted by Vatican II. adverse effects and expand its mobilization proposal. After the intensification of repression and the positions expressed by international Catholicism, the most avid opposition to the military regime was consolidated within the Church.

In the 1970s, some sectors of the Catholic Church began a new stage in linking the institution with elites and politics. In the past, the Church was an integral part of this arrangement, in this period it became a challenger to financial accumulation, inequalities, the latifundium and the current political authority. This posture established conflicts with the State, which culminated in copious episodes of military repression. For example, some military sectors considered the Catholic Church one of the main enemies of the country.

CEBs played a significant role in this redefinition of the role of the Church. On the one hand, they proposed to establish a new relationship between Catholics and the faith, above all based on community ties and freedom from the ecclesial hierarchy. On the other hand, the CEBs encouraged greater intervention and critical attitude by Christians about political and social processes. Therefore, CEB meetings focused on the religious aspect, but local social problems (such as neighborhood infrastructure) and national (regime actions) were also discussed.

Since its conception, one of the objectives of the CEBs was to be an instrument to recover the space lost by the Catholic Church for African-based religions, Spiritism and especially for Pentecostals. In the 1970s, Pentecostals already represented about 10% of the Brazilian population, and it is in this period that the third wave/phase of Pentecostalism emerges. The Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (IURD) and the International Church of the Grace of God (IIGD) are the main representatives of this phase, as they promoted significant changes in the religious field, as such denominations introduced in Brazil the theology of prosperity, the use intensive media, exorcism and the insertion of this religious segment in institutional politics. The growth of these denominations (along with others) consolidated Pentecostalism as a competitive force capable of threatening the religious hegemony of Catholics in Brazil.

Although the CEBs have not been fully successful in their role of regaining large spaces in the religious field, it is notorious that they have dynamized the bases of national Catholicism (It is estimated that between 1970 and 1980 there were around eighty thousand CEBs, with two million faithful ), combining its evangelizing mission with the proposal to encourage discussion and political participation. The actions of these entities transformed the Catholic Church into one of the main actors in the struggle against the military regime, being one of the relevant entities in the support and articulation of protests against repression (for example, in the ABC metalworkers' strike in 1979). It is also worth remembering that the agenda of discussions, political mobilization and the support of the Catholic Church (through the CEBs and CNBB) are factors that influenced the creation of some of the main social and political actors of the left, such as the Workers' Party, unions, neighborhood associations and land struggle movements.

Due to its positions, the Brazilian Church was considered the most progressive in Catholicism in the world, however, the institution remained in a cast when it came to revising its moral values. When analyzing the documents issued by the CNBB, José F. Regis Morais points out that the Church reinforced in this period the need to preserve the nuclear family (and the gender positions present in it) and the indissolubility of marriage. The single most “open” inflection on this terrain was tolerance for those who got divorced. These issues allow us to question how progressive the Church was, as its innovation focused on rescuing elements present in the origin of Christianity, such as cooperation and the fight against injustice, but its moral dogmas remained untouchable and were not even inscribed in the list of themes relevant to the reflection.

There is a consensus in the literature that CEBs created spaces (amidst repression) to organize the collective interests of communities. However, Reginaldo Prandi considers the political participation promoted by CEBs to be overestimated, and identifies some degree of centralization in the conduct of meetings and activities. Likewise, José F. Regis Morais points out that when lay leaders did not agree with the actions proposed by the community, they hardly developed. In turn, John Burdick, in part of his research, analyzed the place of speech of the participants and identified asymmetries, exemplified in two situations that constrained most of the members: 1) resourcefulness, literacy and education in speech weighed more than participation; 2) speech should align with progressive speech to be considered valid.

The decline of the progressive Church begins in the 1980s, some circumstances have accelerated this process. On the one hand, redemocratization caused some demobilization in CEBs. This is because the space occupied by these entities started to be taken over by neighborhood associations, social movements and political parties, which from then on began to claim their demands autonomously. This is not to say, at least in most cases, that there was a process of disruption. The CEBs continued to play an important role in the actions of the communities, entities and social movements that contributed to the creation or that acted together with it. On the other, to highlight the pressures suffered by CEBs from conservative sectors of the Vatican and national Catholicism. For example, the papacy of John Paul II endeavored to curb the advance of Liberation Theology and support the expansion of the Catholic Charismatic Renewal (RCC) in the country.

The progressive factions of the Catholic Church were extremely important for the political opening of Brazil. For example, it is considered that its actions were focused on denouncing and criticizing the repression through documents, but also as an institution of political and social articulation to put pressure on the regime. We recognize the legitimacy of the opposition agenda against the military dictatorship, even so, it seems plausible to consider that once again in Brazil a religious actor assumed an enormous role in promoting transformations in the political system.

Based on the concept of secularity of the State, we believe that it is not reasonable to justify interferences of religion in politics based on legitimacy, because if the criterion is this one, a range of precedents is opened, considering that the social construction that makes a legitimate agenda or illegitimate, democratic or undemocratic is in permanent dispute. For example, currently in Brazil, religious interference in favor of conservative policies, which aim to preserve the basic principles of the Christian family, has become significantly more legitimate for broad social groups than the fight against a regime that restricts freedom of expression and organization. In this sense, we must consider that the reasons for the intervention of the progressive Church in politics are completely different from those that occurred previously (such as the LEC) and that occur today. However, despite all the reservations, the action of the Church in this period did not stop being an intervention.

A new model for the relationship between religion and politics after redemocratization

The works of Leonildo Campos and Alexandre Fonseca show that there was an intense performance of religious actors, on the most varied fronts, in the environment of democratic opening and the elaboration of the Constitutional Charter of 1988. In addition to the Catholic Church, this scenario presented the significant presence of (neo ) Pentecostals, denoting the consolidation of this religious segment in the political scenario. Its performance and mobilization in the constituent environment was a reflection of the adoption of political strategies built throughout the 1980s, especially by the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God. As a result, the so-called “evangelical bench” between 1982 and 1986 jumped from 14 to 33 representatives in the Chamber of Deputies.

Two reasons are pointed out to explain the political incursion of this segment. Firstly, the fear that the Constitutional Charter contemplated themes such as the liberation of drugs and the decriminalization of abortion encouraged their articulation and presence in the political party scene. On the other hand, there was also the fear that sectors of the Catholic Church, allied with forces on the left in the party framework, would pass laws with the aim of imposing limits on the advance of (neo)Pentecostals. For these reasons, some denominations abandoned the apolitical position they had held until then, starting a process of organization with electoral purposes to influence issues in the drafting of the new constitution.

The political mobilization of (neo) Pentecostals can be seen as a reaction to the religious, social and political dispute with other sectors (for example, media outlets, left-wing political parties and the Catholic Church), but also as a form of political support of your interests. As highlighted by some scholars in more recent works, often the presence in legislative spaces would be configured as an instrument to protect their liturgical practices (such as divine healing, exorcism and the collection of donations), which until that moment was a central point in the conflict with the sectors mentioned.

This posture was decisive for the alliances made by political and/or religious (neo) Pentecostal leaders in the following elections. Support for Collor in 1989 and for Fernando Henrique Cardoso in 1994 was aimed at opposing the candidate Lula, from the Workers' Party (PT), for the Presidency of the Republic. In this sense, the faithful were advised to avoid “extremist” candidates for executive and legislative positions. As mentioned, at that time the (neo)Pentecostal leaders believed that there was an alliance between the PT and sectors of the Catholic Church to restrict their religious freedom.

Authors such as Maria das Dores Machado and Joanildo Burity point out that the desire for the effective entry of these denominations into political life also boosted the desire of political parties in this “market” of voters, which at that time was booming. The interface between these institutions allowed for the capture and preparation of possible electoral cadres within the churches, aligned with ecclesial interests and guidelines. Likewise, according to Simone Bohn, this strategy was also aimed at stimulating among the faithful the awareness of the need for the Church's presence in politics, as a form of intervention in political issues relevant to the survival of religious values. However, these devices to structure a solid electoral base coexisted with tensions, among which it was necessary to deconstruct the aversion previously deposited in the political universe.

The preservation of their religious freedom was the mainstay of support for the presence of (neo) Pentecostals in decision-making spheres in the political field. Although it is possible to identify that this argument was mobilized throughout the trajectory of this segment after the 1980s and 1990s, either to demarcate a position vis-à-vis the Catholic Church or to curb initiatives in favor of respect and advances in legislation for religious and gender minorities. Paulo Siepierski reflects that this group has always been little sensitive to other freedoms, including organization and expression. In turn, Ricardo Mariano and Antonio Pierucci also question this hierarchy of freedoms (ie, religious freedom at the expense of other freedoms), and its possible consequences for Brazilian democracy:

Pentecostals are entering our fledgling democratic life raising the banner of religious freedom. Good cause. However, to our “religiously non-musical” ears, as Weber used to say, this demand in the mouth of those who, during the twenty years of dictatorship, never complained about the lack of freedom of expression, freedom of the press, of political association, party freedom, conscience and thought. A sign that the question of freedom -and freedoms- always has a different movement according to the group to which one belongs and the god (or devil) that is worshipped. The hierarchy of freedoms is always an arbitrary act; Absolutely and blindly valuing one of them, to the detriment of the others, can lead to disaster.

From this, we can signal the emergence of a new actor that seeks to convert its religious capital into political one. In fact, using methods commonly used by the Catholic Church throughout the 20th century, such as: 1) the exercise of its religious influence to intervene in the electoral choice of its faithful; 2) the “demonization” of political and social forces that could represent threats to it; and 3) the mobilization of its social density and political weight as a bargaining chip to pressure the political system in favor of its demands.

Even though there is similarity in the strategies of Catholics and (neo)Pentecostals, we understand that there is a new chapter in the relationship between religion and politics being written. That said, in view of the formation of official candidacies by the denominations and the construction of parliamentary fronts of a confessional character. This issue is important insofar as it provokes a rupture in the way Christians related to politics, that is, although influence was sought, there was a separation between the ecclesial mission and the political universe. It was in the 1980s that the entry of pastors and bishops into institutional politics came to be understood as a component of the Church's ecclesial mission. The proposal of insertion in the political field would be the “purification” of this space, or better, the conquest for the “kingdom of God” of the spheres that are under “the devil's dominion”.

Paulo Siepierski points out the weakness of researchers in perceiving this phenomenon. Since most of the investigations focused on the performance of CEBs with social movements and political forces during the redemocratization process. Meanwhile, transformations in the social, political and religious scenario were being registered, such as the vertiginous influx of (neo) Pentecostals into institutional politics and into political party leadership positions.

At the same time that the (neo)Pentecostals demarcated their space, the Charismatic Renewal also sought to consolidate itself within the Catholic Church, even though disputes with progressive sectors persisted. The RCC emerged and expanded in Brazil (as well as in the USA) within the middle class, despite this it is the Catholic group that has gained greater visibility in recent years, including with a certain insertion in the popular classes. One of the elements that can explain this significant growth (besides the broad support of the national hierarchy and the Vatican) is the intensive use of TV and radio as vehicles to spread their message, as well as priests with media notoriety.

The CCR is halfway between neo-Pentecostalism and Catholicism, which is why it is commonly called Catholic Pentecostalism. This is because charismatics incorporate a large part of (neo) Pentecostal practices, such as the belief in the gifts of the spirit (above all, glossolalia and divine healing), the appreciation of the Bible, the format of the meetings (songs and the belief manifested through the body expression) and religious proselytism. There are issues that differentiate them, especially the prominent role of the “devil” in explanations about moral and social “deviations” and material goods as an instrument for legitimizing faith, elements that are absent in the CCR. Nevertheless, devotion to Mary and obedience to the Pope are effectively the most distinctive traits that bring charismatics closer and further apart from Catholicism and Neo-Pentecostalism, respectively.

According to some researches, the (neo)Pentecostals and the CCR contributed decisively to the resurgence in the Christian liturgy in the country of the moral transformation of individuals, the ideals of the family and the rigid sexual morality. In the case of the Catholic Church, the advancement of the CCR's moral project promoted a return to the foundations present in the traditional Church, prior to Vatican II. More than theological changes in the way they understand Christianity, it is interesting to note that these organizations understand that these norms must be extended to society. As we will see later, one of the comprehension features of the performance of these segments is the verification of their mobilization so that certain beliefs become legislation, therefore, that the State operates based on certain values.

As a way to intervene socially and politically, the CCR also started a process of political articulation in the mid-1990s, through the creation of national secretariats. It should be noted that in this case there is a marked rejection of political participation in the manner of CEBs, as charismatics are more inclined to intervene through party politics. As scholars on the subject point out, charismatics vote with well-defined positions (often on center-right proposals), and have been successful in electing political representatives in legislative houses. Parliamentarians from the CCR (and from the Catholic Church in general) form together with the (neo)Pentecostal political coalitions to curb initiatives that interfere with moral agendas.

The way in which political representation was constructed is one of the most expressive differences in the insertion, in the current political scenario, of (neo) Pentecostals and charismatics. In fact, this element is fundamental for us to outline this new relationship between religion and politics in Brazil. This is because, the representation of both religious segments until the 1990s was the result of individual initiatives, that is, some of its members (with religious or political projection) applied for and sought to gain support among religious leaders and participants in their denominations or groups. Thus, even being a Christian and eventually attracting support from the leaders and the faithful, this did not (mean) mean that the parliamentarian would fully incorporate and defend the agenda of this segment.

To overcome possible existing noises between the interests of the denominations and those of the candidate/parliamentary, the (neo) Pentecostals between the 1980s and 1990s took the first steps towards the model named by Ari Pedro Oro and Paul Freston as institutional or corporate, respectively. That is, a form of political representation that is built and emerges within the churches, in which mandates are designed to meet the interests of the denominations.

The Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (IURD) was the religious institution that most significantly (since 1980) undertook the institutional or corporate model as a strategy for occupying political spaces, mostly in legislative houses. Even though the reasons for this mobilization are the same as those of other denominations, such as the fear of adverse social and political forces. However, this orientation was not restricted to influence the contours of the 1988 Charter, on the contrary, it was expanded in subsequent elections through the structuring of tactics articulated by remaining high-ranking leaders, such as Bishop Rodrigues and Bishop Marcelo Crivella.

Among these strategies, two seem to be fundamental in consolidating this model, which transformed the IURD into a relevant “political actor” on the national scene. The first of them refers to the commitment that bishops, pastors and workers give to electoral periods. The second, and perhaps the most important, is what most properly characterizes this form of representation, namely, the institutional charisma. This device, according to Ari Pedro Oro, builds mechanisms that link the mandate with the institution. In this case, the candidacies are built inside the Church and to meet its purposes, with the candidate's political capital being insignificant (in most cases it doesn't even exist). It also highlights the knowledge of IURD leaders about the electoral and political system through the preparation of official candidacies. Thus, candidacies depend on a previous “census” carried out by the Church to identify the profile of its faithful, the candidate, as well as its electoral plausibility. This with a view to diagnosing how many candidates the institution should launch, so that there is no possibility of one candidacy withdrawing votes from the other. Thus, although they are unknown to their future voters (which often happens), applicants meet a profile that can be adhered to, based on registration data.

The electoral success of these strategies promoted, during the 1990s, a perennial debate among different denominations regarding the need to follow (mimic) the IURD model. Some religious leaders, such as Silas Malafaia, even expressed verbally that this way of organizing politically should be imitated by (neo)Pentecostals.

Despite a certain consensus regarding the need to build political tactics, it must be remembered that a good part of the (neo)Pentecostal churches were created and remain with an organizational base different from the centralized and vertical structure of the iurd. The organizational structure along these lines is fundamental for the execution and success of this model of political representation. Therefore, the organizational diversity of (neo) Pentecostals imposes differences in the way other denominations will articulate themselves in the political field. The Assembly of God, for example, is much more heterogeneous, as it has regional ministries that are partially autonomous and the central leadership, and some that are totally independent, such as the Ministry of Madureira, led by Silas Malafaia. This element is central in that it allows us to understand the reasons why some sectors of the Assembly of God mimic the institutional model of the iurd, while others do not, even preserving an apolitical stance (this observation applies to other denominations and/or ministries) . Differently, the Church of the Foursquare Gospel reproduced the yurd model, but with interesting differences, such as the realization of internal previews for the choice of official candidates.

These examples help to understand the conclusions of the literature about the structuring of a series of devices that make the mandate, in a way, “belong” to the institution, instead of the candidate and the political party. For example, some candidates who obtained support from the IURD and then applied spontaneously had an impactful defeat. Therefore, this situation is entirely different from the self-generated model present in the Catholic Church, in some historical Protestant and (neo)Pentecostal denominations, as in this case there are previous definitions of how to position oneself and who should be accountable, if the desire is to maintain of the political career.

As can be seen in the graph below, the adoption of these strategies has led to the gradual growth of the so-called “evangelical bench” since the 1990s. . This phenomenon is correlated with accusations about the corruption system installed in the National Congress called “Mensalão”, made public in 2005. Among the so-called “monthly eirós” stands out the presence of 28 of the 72 deputies of the “evangelical bench”, mainly representatives of the Universal and Assembly of God Churches. This event caused some denominations to retreat from the discourse of restoring ethics in politics and to emphasize other elements, such as the ideals of the traditional family. However, as the graph indicates, this political and religious force recovered almost all the strength lost in 2006 in the 2010 elections. , approximately 18% of the total number of federal deputies.

It is interesting to note that these parliamentarians are dispersed in about 19 parties.29 The dispersion of (neo) Pentecostals in the party system is an issue that mobilizes the literature. Two main approaches can be listed. The first, presented by Alexandre Fonseca, Joanildo Burity and Rafael Gonçalves, signals the inexistence of an identity between the representatives of the various denominations. This is due to the fact that there are few themes on which cohesion can be seen among this group, among these, the legislative intentions to debate moral values. On the other hand, some investigations, such as those by Maria das Dores Machado, Ari Pedro Oro and Tiago Borges, point out that this pulverization can also reveal knowledge about the Brazilian political system. Thus, it is seen as a strategy, rather than fragmentation and lack of centrality in actions. Since it allows the “evangelical bench” to reach greater bargaining to influence the party system as a whole, from the college of leaders to parliamentarians of the same acronym.30

The mimetic effect of the practices carried out by the Universal Church had a substantial impact on the religious field, even influencing institutions outside neo-Pentecostalism. For example, through this process, the Catholic Church redoubled efforts to expand its political capital.31 In this case, Emerson Silveira highlights the improvement in the Charismatic Renewal of secretariats and ministries with the purpose of encouraging and training political leaders, which boosted the growth of political representatives of this strand of Catholicism. The approval of charismatic lay leaders32 is important to support the candidacies, as it gives them, to a certain extent, institutional legitimacy, given that the Catholic Church does not officially support any candidate.

Even if the literature points to the success of charismatics in politics (and Catholics in general) it was difficult to accurately measure their size due to the absence, at least officially, of a Catholic caucus. Although we can assume a high number, considering the bench in defense of life and others that address important issues for Catholics and (neo) Pentecostals. Only in 2015 was it possible to have an accurate picture of this segment in politics, through the presentation of the Roman Catholic Mixed Parliamentary Front, which has 209 federal deputies and five senators among its signatories.33

The reflection of this religious incursion in politics gained visibility and became public in 2016, during the articulation and voting of the impeachment process of President Dilma Rousseff, in the Chamber of Deputies, in which the majority of parliamentarians justified their votes based on God , their churches and by the Christian family. This emblematic episode had enormous repercussions, in Brazil and abroad, for the expressive presence of political representatives linked to Christian denominations in the Brazilian Congress.

Recent works emphasize that the rise of the CCR within Catholicism allowed the overcoming of historical impasses between Catholics and (neo)Pentecostals and, consequently, the convergence of agendas between these segments.34 Our research data confirm the hypothesis that the Parliamentarians elected by the Catholic Church and (neo)Pentecostal churches form political coalitions to curb initiatives that interfere with the status quo, notably in the preservation of moral values.

With regard to the issue of abortion, parliamentarians from both sides make up the group most mobilized to restrict advances in legislation. Our data show that they are responsible for pronouncing 72% of the speeches against abortion between 1991-2016.35 In addition, they are the authors of 80% of the bills (equivalent to 29) with the objective of imposing greater penalties on the practice, such as the expansion of years of detention for women they carry out and also setbacks in cases already permitted by law, such as abortion in cases of rape.36 The most prominent Catholic parliamentarians on this agenda are: Severino Cavalcanti (PP-PE), Miguel Martini (PHS) -MG) (both from the Charismatic Renewal) and Dr. Talmir (PV-SP); among the (neo) Pentecostals: Eduardo Cunha (PMDB-RJ), Costa Ferreira (PSC-MA) and Pastor Roberto de Lucena (PV-SP).

Likewise, political proposals aimed at granting rights to the LGBTT community, to the same degree, provoke the cooperation of these congressmen. The most significant episode was raised around Bill No. 122 of 2006, which in general terms proposed the criminalization of homophobia. Opposition to the bill was justified based on the violation of religious freedom, according to Pastor Silas Malafaia, gospel preachers would be legally punished for instructing that homosexual conduct is wrong, as per their interpretation of the Bible. Likewise, deputy Marco Feliciano (PSC-SP) argued in a speech that such a legislative proposal was not intended exclusively to penalize perpetrators of aggression against homosexuals (physical and/or symbolic), but presented a veiled attempt to intervene in the world secularism in Christian practices and dogmas. After being approved in the Chamber of Deputies in 2006,37 this bill was vetoed by the Senate in 2015.38 Thus, due to religious opposition to this and other bills, there is no specific legislation in Brazil that guarantees the rights against defamation, discrimination and assault(s) committed due to sexual orientation and/or gender identity.39

The preservation of the idea of the traditional family became one of the main demands of these representatives. In this sense, Bill No. 6583 of 2011, known as the Family Statute, aims at the recognition (by the State) of the family as an entity formed only by a man, a woman and their children, or one of the parents and their descendants ( item 2). Since its introduction, this bill has made progress in the legislative process, since it was conclusively approved by the Chamber of Deputies Committee and now (2017) awaits to be sent to the Senate vote. The parliamentary speeches and documents analyzed in relation to this proposal indicate the need to protect this institution considered as the basis of society, against other social sectors that seek its reconfiguration.40 Therefore, the objective of this proposal is that the State does not recognize the legitimacy of different family arrangements, especially those made up of same-sex couples. Even though this norm is not capable of depriving the plurality that the concept of family has assumed over the years, even so, in case of definitive approval, other family compositions will be excluded from rights.

Finally, it seems important to underline very briefly the case of Constitutional Amendment No. 99, of 2011, presented by deputy João Campos (psdb-go). This initiative claims to give churches the power to question the decisions taken by the ministers of the Federal Supreme Court (through direct actions of unconstitutionality or other resources). 41 This legislative proposal was also approved in 2015 by the Committee of the Chamber of Deputies. However, it is valid to consider that because it is a Constitutional Amendment, the procedure is more complex compared to a bill, for example, it requires a greater number of votes in all instances. In any case, regardless of the procedures, this proposal calls into question the question of the secularity of the State in Brazil, since it presents a tacit purpose of interfering with religious perspectives in the decisions of the highest legal sphere in the country.

Thus, the performance of these parliamentarians and their dispersion in the party system allow them to influence and, in some cases, impose and/or guide the course of some public policies. Given that the combination of these religious forces in the legislature is, without a doubt, sufficiently capable of undoing majorities in the Chamber of Deputies and, therefore, curbing governability and the Executive's agenda. Certainly, we cannot lose sight of the heterogeneity of these actors, since the position of those who make up these groups/benches does not always converge in the same direction. Nevertheless, despite the differences, it seems clear that there is a certain convergence in the understanding that some moral values are non-negotiable, among these, the Christian nuclear family and the value of life from conception.

Based on all that has been said, we maintain in this text that the growth and joining of these sectors (Catholic and (neo) Pentecostal) in the legislative sphere rewrites the relationship between religion and politics in Brazil. 42 On the one hand, considering the construction of official candidacies and electoral engineering developed by some of these institutions or Christian groups. On the other hand, as a result of this, it is pertinent to assess the bargaining power gained. This is due to the numerical expression of the deputies that make up the "Bancada Evangélica" and the "Catholic Parliamentary Front", but also because of the positions that these representatives have assumed, for example, deputy Severino Cavalcanti (PP-PE), linked to Charismatic Renewal, he was president of the Chamber of Deputies in 2005, a position currently held by Eduardo Cunha (PMDB-RJ), of the “Bancada Evangélica”. 43 Thus, the magnitude of the political strength of these actors allows for the establishment of alliances and the establishment of solid commitments with different spheres of party and political life in the country.

Final considerations

Within this general framework, we can better see the influence of religion on Brazilian politics. Historically, there seems to be a certain admissibility or absence of impediments for religious ideas to be mobilized as a way to intervene in the functioning of the State and in the secular world. This is because, although the State was constituted as a republic in the 20th century, the privileges of the Church were preserved, both to establish as a supposedly "official" religion, and to pressure the State in order to influence the behavior model of a large portion of the population. society.

In this sense, the boundaries of the division between religion and politics in Brazil were precariously constructed, without ever having been fully demarcated throughout history. For example, nowadays it is still possible to find Christian symbols (such as bibles and crucifixes) in a prominent position in places where the main political and legal decisions in the country are taken (such as the Supreme Court, Senate and Chamber), in addition to the evocation of God in the Constitution and on the banknotes. These representations are symbolic concessions that give political legitimacy to certain religious symbols in predominantly secular spaces.

In the contemporary panorama, the power of influence of Christian religions in the legislature challenges the capacity of social and political actors to discuss and pressure the State, above all to implement policies based on secularism, human and individual rights. Therefore, among Brazilian analysts the position has become consensual that changes in legislation in these areas will require enormous efforts from social movements and political parties.

Given this scenario, we consider that attention to this phenomenon should be on the agenda of the social science research agenda in Brazil, rather than the peripheral space that studies on the interface between religion, society and politics currently occupy in the academic environment. The scope of this phenomenon has the capacity to constitute itself as a broad object of research and/or extremely relevant variable to analyze, for example, the setbacks in legislation and the forms of resistance engendered by social movements that demand for rights and for the secularity of the State. Thus, from this development on, we will have new tools capable of offering other angles of analysis to the object.

MILITARY AND MILITARY DICTATORSHIP IN BRAZIL

The military regime was the period of Brazilian politics in which the military led the country.

This time was marked in the history of Brazil through the practice of several Institutional Acts that put into practice censorship, political persecution, suppression of constitutional rights, the total lack of democracy and the repression of those who were against the military regime.

The military dictatorship in Brazil began with the military coup of March 31, 1964, resulting in the removal of the President of the Republic, João Goulart, and Marshal Castelo Branco taking power. This coup d'état, characterized by characters in tune with a revolution, instituted a military dictatorship in the country, which lasted until the election of Tancredo Neves in 1985. The military at the time justified the coup, alleging that there was a communist threat in the country.

1964 Military Coup

The 1964 Military Coup marks a series of events that took place on March 31, 1964 in Brazil, which culminated in a coup d'état on April 1, 1964. This coup ended the government of President João Goulart, also known as Jango, who had been democratically elected vice president by the Brazilian Labor Party (PTB).

Immediately after the military takeover, AI-1 was established. With 11 articles, it gave the military government the power to modify the constitution, annul legislative mandates, interrupt political rights for 10 years and compulsorily dismiss, make available or retire anyone who was against the security of the country, the democratic regime and the probity of public administration, in addition to determining indirect elections for the presidency of the Republic.

During the military regime, there was a strengthening of the central power, especially the Executive power, characterizing a regime of exception, as the Executive assigned the function of legislating, to the detriment of the other powers established by the Constitution of 1946. The High Command of the Armed Forces came to control the presidential succession, nominating a military candidate who was endorsed by the National Congress.

Freedom of expression and organization was almost non-existent. Political parties, unions, student unions and other organizations representing society were suppressed or suffered government interference. The media and artistic expressions were repressed by censorship. The 1960s also started a period of great transformations in the Brazilian economy, modernization of industry and services, concentration of income, opening to foreign capital and foreign indebtedness.

SEX AND DRUGS IN BRAZIL

Drug use is as old as human beings. However, the transformations in this use and in its meanings have been following the transformations of humanity.

As human beings came to dominate the use of plants for food and medicine, their various direct and indirect effects were also being discovered and organized, “when feeling their mental effects, they started to consider them “divine plants”, that is, , which made those who ingested them receive divine messages, from the gods. Thus, even today in indigenous cultures of various countries the use of these hallucinogenic plants has this religious significance. Some authors also call them psychedelics. The word psychedelic comes from the Greek (psycho = mind and delos = expansion) and is used when the person has hallucinations and delusions in certain mental illnesses or due to the action of drugs. These changes do not mean expansion of the mind.” In many plants there are psychoactive substances, which people, with ancient and natural habits of life, were discovering and associating and using in religious rituals. This usage is divided into two basic types. Hallucinogens, which alter the perception and sensitivity of the senses. These are the types most used religiously, as in tribal spiritualism, spiritual sensitivity, or mediumship, is sharpened through the use of these plants. And sleep-deprived stimulants increase adrenaline and euphoria. However, from any point of view, we cannot separate the sacred and ritualistic relationship from the use of these “drugs”, with the direct objective of leading to the “trance”. With controlled and hierarchical use administered by tribal chiefs. Alcohol, marijuana, tobacco, peyote, opium, mushroom, are some of the oldest hallucinogens and/or psychoactive drugs in the world. Used by almost all people in the world.

When we talk about culture and religion, we cannot associate value judgments. We must establish a relationship of respect for differences.

Capitalism: the transformations of human values and the use of drugs

With the technological and scientific transformations of human beings, which began in the first great empires of Egypt and Mesopotamia, passing through Greece, Rome, Medieval Europe and finally culminating in the beginning of capitalism, industrial and scientific revolution, also in Europe, we went through continuous separation between man/nature, man/religion and individual/collective. The relations of individualism and consumerism typical of the capitalist system make everything become a product. Beauty, sex, violence and pleasures. People increasingly make these animalisms of humanity, that is, what brings us closer to animals, the source of happiness.

The excessive search for pleasure, distraction, fun, idleness in a world that always imposes, on the one hand, the daily wars of survival of the underprivileged classes and, on the other, the monotony of comfort provided by the good financial conditions of individuals, give a new sense of drug use.

In this context, the drug leaves its ritual use aside, to be used as a source of pleasure. Pleasure provided by altered consciousness. Drugs become a great product (lawful or illicit) of capitalism. Religious and collective use is transferred to individual use and immediate pleasure. Science improves, transforms and enhances its uses and effects.

Intellectual transformations typical of the 20th century, in which feelings explode, the search for sensitivity, separation from the materialist, consumerist reality, or even waves of depression and psychological problems caused by the pace of urban life, make the use of "drugs" an alternative option for habits, pleasures or even solutions and escape from problems. Considering that the biggest drug-consuming populations (legal and illegal) is the middle class, the most susceptible and manipulated by the power of the media.

Popularization of illicit drugs

Artistic-cultural movements, such as the Hippie in the 50s and 60s, brought the popularization of drug use to Brazil. In a world historical context of wars, violence, dictatorships and ideological censorship that permeates the century. XX, the use of drugs, such as marijuana, LSD, cocaine and others, brings people a sense of liberation. Protest. Of search and transformation in the sense of things. Woodstock is the event that marks this movement. In it “sex, drugs and rock'n roll” are mixed with “Peace and Love”. A large portion of the Brazilian middle class adheres to and promotes this movement in all its instances: music, fashion, hair, ideology and drugs.

Brazilian case: Crime, periphery, trafficking and modernization

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The Brazilian historical reality that receives the wave of the Hippie movement is complex and propitious. On the one hand a bourgeoisie and middle class in formation. Student movement. Young people and class ideologies in full swing. On the other hand, a periphery with the poor, former slaves excluded from the opportunities of the recent Brazilian Republic. Clusters in urban peripheries. No rights, therefore no duties. Deprived of source of income, subject to underemployment.

With a class that aspired to drug consumption on one side (middle and upper classes), and another class that did not have a source of income guaranteed by the government on the other, we had the ideal scenario for the formation of the trafficking network associated with the peripheries .

If the public power did not care about the rights of former slaves and sertanejos coming from the north-northeast, they would not care about the duties and laws of the public power. Thus, a power parallel to the State is created, sustained by the consumption of drugs by those who are served and benefited by the State itself. Parallel power that grows stronger and more associated.

Furthermore, the historical process of formation of our administrative and security bodies is permeated by a corrupt, bureaucratic and poorly organized reality. Since colonization, with the first networks of taxes and charges by the Portuguese crown, these agents were bathed in corruption, as inspection was minimal for a very high flow of wealth. In the processes of independence and republic, almost nothing has changed. The reproduction of constitutions and organs with molds imported from other countries such as the USA, France and England was never enough for the particularities of our country. Thus, an immense bureaucratic network that sustains a complex and almost indestructible network of corruption, Caixas two, among others, has illegal trade as an ally and a strong source of income for members of these sectors.

The pharmaceutical, military, automobile, private security companies, among others, profit millions from the violence.

The future of a human being in today's societies follows a simple logic: OPPORTUNITIES AND CHOICES.

THE POORER, THE FEWER OPPORTUNITIES, THE FEWER CHOICES.

In the capitalist world, one of the main opportunities present in the world of the lower classes is crime, in all its forms. Remembering that the real crime is historic. The slavery of blacks, the extermination of the indigenous people and the feeling of superiority of the Europeans who built the foundations of our unjust society. Bases reproduced, maintained and corrupted by our politicians who are, for the most part, descendants of those Europeans, who enslaved, killed and excluded. So they don't want changes.

Therefore, violence and trafficking cannot be associated with the poor. And yes to the historical processes promoted by the rich that excluded the poor. And the most excluded were blacks. Because they came here as slaves and remained so for over 400 years.

Likewise, the use of illegal drugs should not be associated with something criminal. But rather as a case of public health, how smoking and alcoholism are treated. In the social and ideological disease in which poor and developing countries live, due to social inequalities and injustices; political alienation; acculturation to the consumerist and individualistic way of life; cult of aesthetic, moral and behavioral standards according to the American molds; crisis in family values and structure; among many others, addictions (whether lawful or unlawful) acquire threatening dimensions to the very society that promotes such a situation.

Talking about legalization is still too early. Drugs are indeed a great destroyer of families and young people. But it should not be seen as simple criminality. For, if the use is controlled by the health system, if an organ for control is created (since it is impossible to combat use by force and repression), the immediate consequences would be: removing the user from contact with crack, cocaine and others; take away one of the main sources of income from organized crime and transfer the problem to public health. The problem is that this same bureaucracy, which has been in place for centuries (as well as corruption and lack of supervision), would benefit from it all. Furthermore, we have a population ignorant of the notions of rights and duties. So legalization would turn the issue of drug use into intense chaos.

Anyway, immediate and efficient solutions are not yet possible. But the best defense against an enemy is to know and understand him.

by: Myleo Geraldo

THE BRAZILIAN PHILOSOPHY

What makes a philosopher a “Brazilian philosopher”? Is it enough that he was born in our territory or, in order for him to live up to the title, should something more be demanded? But if so, what would this “something else” be? A “Brazilian way” of doing philosophy? A certain identity among those who do philosophy in our country? Such questions seem pertinent, insofar as, on the one hand, classifications such as “German philosophy”, “French philosophy” or “Anglo-Saxon philosophy” seem completely acceptable by most historians of philosophy; and, on the other hand, it also seems acceptable that, in terms of literature, visual arts, cinema and music, for example, the “Brazilian” predicate is accepted to bring together practitioners from these areas in our territory. However, the use of the term “Brazilian philosophy” for what is being done here today still seems insufficient, except in rare cases. In this sense, I would like to briefly address possible reasons for dealing with the question of the existence or not of a “Brazilian philosophy” as a fundamental problem for our times.

So let's start by trying to understand why it doesn't seem like a problem to talk about German, French, or Anglo-Saxon philosophy. Is it just a territorial or linguistic issue that would make it possible to bring together from Kant to Heidegger and Benjamin, from Descartes and Rousseau to Derrida and Deleuze, from Hume and Bentham to Russell and Rorty? Would it be, if the answer to the previous question is negative, a question of method only? Or should there be “something else” that would allow these authors to be brought together into a larger group? We could think of this "something else", which permeates both the territorial-linguistic and methodological issues, as a certain belonging to a tradition and which would have, in relation to this tradition, which involves method, language and culture, the condition of possibility of appearance of a “signature”, or, as I prefer to call it, a “style”.

Thinking in this way, it does not seem absurd, in artistic and cultural terms, to claim that there would be a certain “Brazilian” style or signature in literature, cinema, music, etc. It would then be fitting to think to what extent there would be, in philosophy, traits that would allow the gathering of authors who do philosophy in Brazil around the name “Brazilian philosophy”. The question, then, would now be to think if the philosophies of Gonçalves de Magalhães, Tobias Barreto, Farias Brito and even more recent philosophers, such as Oswald de Andrade and Bento Prado Júnior, could be united around the same adjective that, refusing to stick merely to territory or language, should refer to that signature or to that “proper” style that would characterize them as “Brazilian philosophers”.

Perhaps, the key to thinking about the difficulty of finding this “something else” even in the great names who do and have made philosophy in our country, as perhaps in most countries in the formerly called “third world”, is inseparably linked to history colonial, which is directly reflected in the colonial process that our academy also went through (and still goes through). If we take this seriously, we can ensure that, over the centuries in which philosophy has been made in our country, we have been improving more and more, and this improvement allows us to make a philosophy as competent today as that made in any other so-called “developed” country in the world: both in the area of the history of philosophy and logic and analytic philosophy, we participate in a wide international debate and we can say that we are not behind them, “the developed” (except, of course, working conditions, financing, libraries etc.). However, does this allow us to affirm that a Brazilian philosophy of excellence is being made or that we are making a philosophy that is gaining more and more credit under the Euro-American scrutiny than what is meant by philosophy? In other words: can we say that, today, we actually do a Brazilian philosophy or do we do an excellent philosophy along the European lines?

The answer seems obvious to me, but I would then ask whether it would be necessary to make another philosophy and whether even this "other philosophy", if it cannot be conceived as "European", would still have preserved the name "philosophy" for it. , which is certainly a European name and which concerns a certain Western tradition. That is, to what extent the fact that we are increasingly closer to the standard of excellence can still be considered insufficient for our philosophical experience and, if we try to try other ways of doing philosophy, would we not be putting the to lose all those centuries of effort to match the great foreign commentators and experts?

The answer to these questions could focus on a first aspect: why isn't there a big name in Brazilian philosophy as we find in literature, cinema, plastic arts etc? Certainly, it was this style or signature that artists such as Tarsila do Amaral, João Cabral de Melo Neto, Guimarães Rosa, Glauber Rocha, and Egberto Gismonti, for example, ended up identifying as “Brazilianness”, which made them recognized nationally and internationally. And this specificity of ours consists only in the fact that, not being able to fall into pride, it highlights elements of our language and our culture, placing them in relation to the European tradition, which is also and certainly ours. This is because, if we think of the tripod to which Gilberto Freire attributed the support of our culture, the white, the black and the indigenous, Western thought consists only of an aspect of our tradition, our experience being much broader than what the Western philosophy can do the trick.

Perhaps, in this sense, we could say that the Anthropophagic Movement was the first attempt to draw a signature of "Brazilian" thought, in which this adjective did not

represent something “individual”, “identical”, but rather a multiplicity of forces that come together in our culture. Radicalizing Freire's tripod, we can even ask: what white is this – between Portuguese, Italians, Germans, Ukrainians, etc.; but also, of course, what black and what indigenous is this among the many cultures, languages and religious experiences that constitute what here, for lack of concept, or precisely in opposition to the European, we call “black” or “Amerindian”.

Without a careful look at these thought experiences, with the same philosophical dignity that we grant to the great European thinkers, we will never be able to proceed with the necessary deconstruction of the colonialism that reigns in philosophy. Until we treat the Yoruba systems of thought, for example, or the Amerindians, as important elements for philosophical speculation, we will never be able to contribute so that one day a thought of Brazilian signature can happen.

But would “philosophy” be the name of this thought which, as a property, would only have the confluence of distinct ethnic, artistic, cultural and religious experiences? Perhaps not, if the name philosophy is thought of in Western terms only, with a specific date and place of birth, but research such as the one currently carried out by Professor Renato Noguera at UFRRJ tries to show, in line with many researches carried out both in African countries. as in the United States, which may have other cradles for philosophy, such as Egypt, for example. And, without saying who comes before whom, that is, who is more original than who, such research only points to the fact that the myth of unique origin is a great invention of the West and that thought experience can point to for more than one perspective – and that, perhaps, this is a unique philosophical experience to which we can contribute with our multiple Brazilianness.

However, if the philosopher has always had the right to rethink, redefine what philosophy itself was for him, then we can fight, alongside initiatives such as those by Noguera, but also by Davi Kopenawa, for the name “philosophy” is not the mark of an exclusion, colonialist and epistemic, but rather the possibility of thinking in a broader and more radical way about the experience of our culture, our society, our time.

Professor at the Department of Philosophy and at the Graduate Program in Philosophy at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (PPGF-UFRJ).

BRAZILIAN PSYCHOLOGY

Already in full development of its activities, the First Federal Council of Psychology commissioned me to prepare a HISTORY OF THE COUNCIL. It was the year 1975.

Because I believe it is still too early to make history with the characters of impartiality, coldness of analysis and absolute objectivity of information, I left the beginning of the undertaking for later, in the certainty that only the later ones could issue opinions about men and works that, without a doubt, deserve the admiration of all and the applause of the entire class, for what they have done in favor of the Psychological Profession and Science.

Furthermore, the Federal Council emerges within a historical context and a cultural framework, of which it is the necessary result and the necessary synthesis. Its history, therefore, will result from a deep and intense research of documents that, in Brazil, already bear the marks of the centuries, as they have roots in the first academic activities of the Faculties of Medicine of Bahia and Rio de Janeiro, where, in Philosophizing, one would come across the ancient Rational Psychology, the first cradle and generator of Scientific Psychology. Through it, in fact, driven by the contributions of the sciences of experience and the like, it was in 1879 that Scientific Psychology took its first steps.

In 1978, at the meeting of the Federal Council of Psychology, in Belo Horizonte, a concern took shape in the minds of the Councilors as they approached their last stage of activities, as the Second Council: worthy of commemorating the Centenary of Psychology, as a science. It was at that moment that, once again, I was asked to write something of a historical nature about our Autarchy.

Understanding that it would be up to the request and commemoration of the anniversary, at least, a chronicle (which could not be done) about the short life of the Council, I accepted the request of my peers.

When I started to write, I soon realized, amidst the wealth of handwritten and printed documents, amidst the academic product and professorship, amidst the official documents and historical notes and, later, among the collection of research and findings, which could, and even should, make efforts to publish a comprehensive work on the past and present of Psychology in Brazil.

Names, works, deeds are, in fact, waiting for the historian to revive them and make them accessible to students, Psychology professors and the general public, making clear the evolution of a Science and its need, above all, in the midst of our society in frank mutation.

The challenge remains for everyone. The story deserves more pages to enrich its judgments and information in Psychology. Psychology deserves another story, with more facts and more values, to favor the illumination of its gestation, through time, among us.

The present work, due to its size and simplicity, does not want to be more than an Essay in Psychology, in Brazil, with all the gaps that we are aware of, whether in terms of merit names, published works, or institutes, even today, in frank scientific activity. These gaps become overpowering when we find ourselves amidst the collection of the Faculties of Medicine, whose productions would deserve either a thesis or a volume on the Psychological Contributions of their dissertations, given their number and meaning.

We are therefore aware of the shortcomings of these pages. But we only wrote them out of the interest of informing our Profession colleagues of how Psychology and its Professional Council were born and imposed among us.

We hope that, as requested by the Federal Council of Psychology, these pages will serve, modestly, as a consecration and praise to those who, before us, have done science and to those who, before us, have planted the roots of a Class, whose image and value and unity and privacy of specific rights we need to hand over to the generations that will succeed us tomorrow.

Introduction

One hundred years have passed, since 1879, when, in Leipzig, Wilhelm Wundt founded his Experimental Psychology Laboratory, thus defining the specific roadmap for a new science that, with its own methods and object, assumed independence between the sciences. of experience.

The long and painful gestation that Psychology went through, linked to Philosophy, from the first moments of human thought, gave way to the great enthusiasm of the first research of its content and its first systematization which, elaborated by Wundt and continued by his disciples, it seemed to delimit the horizons of his interest and explain the technological dimensions of his activity.

It is with the vigor of incipient experiences, enriched by the centuries-old philosophical tradition and progressive physiological inquiry, that Psychology penetrates into the realms of official teaching.

As, however, science refrains from inquiries that are neither substantiated nor configured in facts, the finding of insufficient data in the collection soon emerged, along with the fragility of many elements taken as definitive. The controversies generated by the diversity of cultural positions that permeated the mental habit of those who approached Psychology, unleashed a relentless struggle against the method and object of the new science, leading those who invaded its thresholds to distrust it as a typical and complete systematization. Those nostalgic for speculation also increased the litany of pessimists as to its continuity and persistence, as an autonomous science, and entitled to a place in the concert of sciences, sometimes claiming its return to the breast of origin, sometimes prophesying the reunion of the prodigal daughter with the irreplaceable mother, after the undue and poorly rehearsed experimental steps.

Psychology, however, disappointed those futurologists, emigrating to England and the United States, with the, then, significant scientific baggage of Wundt's students. From there, he walked the most diverse paths, acquiring citizenship, today, in almost every country in the world.

The two matrices from which Psychology proceeded are, undoubtedly, Philosophy and Physiology. And this is, in such a way, evident that the same Psychology seems, nowadays, to be the great bridge of contact between the two and one as a dialogical model between speculation and experimentation. Here lies the stumbling block for young science: it bears the unilaterality of the sciences of analysis and the breadth of the sciences of thought and synthesis.

However, as Psychology consolidates, within the framework of its specificity, accepting the limitations imposed on it by its methods and by the imperatives of higher order data, characteristic of human experience, it opens up defined, among the sciences. of analysis and synthesis, the framework in which one goes, little by little, definitively inserting the science of behavior. In fact, Psychology without Physiology and without Philosophy is not done, since psychic facts are inseparably linked with biological facts, without, however, being confused with them. The psychic facts are also the presupposition and the result of a thought that, being human peculiarity, bears the human character irreducible, for that very reason, to the specifically biological one.

We are not asserting (nor could we) that Psychology is confused with or depends on Philosophy, or that one is absolutely necessary for the existence of the other. On the contrary, we defend the independence of both sciences, their peculiarities of object and method. We insist on showing the influence that Philosophy exerted (and will continue to exert) on Psychology, since this is the result of the elaboration of the man who feels and acts according to what he thinks, and lives engulfed in a cultural process that would not be configured nor it would distinguish itself, without a Weltanschauug to consolidate it.

The various Psychological Schools, which are the veins and blood that feed the great organism of the new science, start from different criteria and purposes when dealing with the same element of analysis. Each remained consistent with their views. Psychophysics and Psychophysiology sought more the content of psychic life than its unitary character. The Gestalt School sought to link the various psychological facts, opposing atomism. Functionalism, Behaviorism, Comprehensive Psychology, seek more the concrete and practical aspect in their research. Psychoanalysis investigates unconscious dynamisms more than conscious ones. Characterologies look for the individual, in the variety and unity of their characters.

Schools are all creatures of their philosophical environment, they are all the result of the culture in which they were born. From here spring the great difficulties that Psychology faces, in the approach to its object; difficulties that are added to the limitations created by the research methods, by the environmental conditions and by the mentality and philosophical training of researchers.

In Brazil, Psychology is waiting for extensive research that can offer it safe footsteps and typical models, characterizing a level of evolution where indigenous schools and discoveries are engendered, as happened in other nations, in economic and cultural conditions superior to ours.

The historian, however, who commits himself to the Benedictine task of reviewing the progress of Psychology among us, will have enough documents to prepare a historical account of what happened here, since the first moments of a simply speculative Psychology, even the commitments of experimentation that, today, are unfolding and advancing in various parts of the country.

For the purpose of this Essay, which is part of the calendar of commemorations with which the Federal Council of Psychology wants to celebrate the Centenary of Scientific Psychology, we have divided the History of Psychology in Brazil into seven chapters:

I - Prehistory (1830 - 1900)

II - History written by Physicians (1900 - 1920)

III - History written by Educators (1920 1960)

IV - Psychology in National Legislation (1890 - 1977)

V - The Psychology Societies Meetings (1971 to 1973)

VI - Election, investiture and activities of the First Federal Council (1973-1976)

VII - Election, investiture and activities of the Second Federal Council (1976-1979).

CHAPTER I

The prehistory of psychology in Brazil (1830 - 1900)

The first contributions to the study of Psychology in Brazil are offered by Doctors. In their doctoral theses (as they called course completion papers at the Faculties of Medicine), in their professorship theses and in their title verification theses, students and professionals, especially in Rio de Janeiro and Bahia, were incursions. in the fields of Psychology, (evidently, rational or philosophical), bringing to light findings and conclusions of interest not only to the philosopher and historian, but also to the man of culture.

We are excited to observe how Philosophy was not disdained at the time, because it was recognized as the mater scientiarum, even in medical specialties, and because it was known that, without it, thought impoverished, logic suffered, dialectics faded, dies criticism, creativity is reduced, the truth is sophismed.

In Rio de Janeiro, the studies at the Faculty of Medicine tended towards Neuropsychiatry, Psychophysiology and Neurology. Within these instances, most of the theses defended were located, with Psychology often being analyzed in its relations with those fields of study and research.

In 1836, Manuel Inácio de Figueiredo Jaime defends a thesis that immediately refers us to the almost homonymous work by René Descartes: Paixões e Afetos da Alma. José Augusto César de Menezes received his doctorate, in 1834, with the work: Propositions Concerning Intelligence.

IM Sechenov, famous Russian Physiologist and Psychologist, established the foundations of the Psychophysiology of the sense organs, tracing new and original paths. He also dealt with psychic processes and the laws of their development as the main object of Psychology. In his work, Reflexos do Cérebro, and in other works, he tried to solve the isolation of the psyche, with the means available at the time. His influence was notable in many countries. And Guedes Cabral, in 1876, defended a thesis under the title: Brain Functions.

In Germany, in 1879, Wundt opened his Experimental Psychology Laboratory, incorporated, shortly after, into the University of Leipzig. In this Laboratory the most eminent men of the new science were formed, both Germans (Kraepelin, Lehmann, Külpe, Neumann) and Americans (Cattel, Stanley Hall, Titchener, Warren, Stratton and others). The Laboratory publishes its magazine: Philosophische Studien, closed in 1903 and later reopened with the title: Archiv für die gesamte Psychologie. The intense research work carried out there and the work of Wundt determined, through his students, a great influence in several countries.

A little over a decade, after the beginning of the activities of Wundt and his disciples, in Rio de Janeiro, doctoral theses began to appear in which the scientific scope is quite appreciable. In 1890, José Estelita Tapajós defended the thesis: Psychophysiology of Perception and Representations. Veríssimo de Castro, dissertation on: Das Emoções. The elementary interest of the beginnings of Scientific Psychology has its characteristic resonances in these theses. In 1891, Odilon Goulart wrote the first work, in Brazil, of Clinical Psychology: Study Psicoclinico da Aphasia. In the field of memory, the first Brazilian work appears, in 1894, when Alberto Seabra defends the thesis: A Memória ea Personalidade.

CHAPTER II

The history of psychology written by physicians (1900 - 1920)

In the first half of the 19th century, according to medical historians, the tendency towards concepts and systems was greater, although always with the willingness and persuasion to work with the available experimental data. By the middle of the century, an organized progress in medical science and art was accentuated, due to the specialization and spirit directed, preferably, to experiments in the laboratory. In Brazil, especially with graduates from the Faculties of Medicine of Rio de Janeiro and Bahia, this is abundantly proven, either by the work of filling the professorship, or by the extraordinarily important initiatives that these doctors carried out in many institutions.

In the middle of our century, Ivan Petrovich Pavlov began studies that cover the wide range of conditioned reflexes, brain analyzers, internal inhibition and experimental neurosis, both from a theoretical and a strictly experimental point of view, always in direct reference to Psychology. Its influence, in the scientific field, was definitive, raising countless researches, everywhere, and determining the birth of Schools, also in the field of Psychology.

In the footsteps of Experimental Psychology, which had just been born, with the Leipzig laboratory, and which had a new name in Pavlov, the theses of the Faculty of Rio de Janeiro receive a profound influence. The figure of Henrique Roxo is distinguished by the defense of the first work of Experimental Psychology: Duration of Psychic Acts, in 1900, presenting an extremely current position, by proposing that Psychiatry has Scientific Psychology as propaedeutics.

Henrique Roxo has the merit of having also been the first in Brazil to guide practical studies with tests, using the tests of Binet-Simon, at the Hospício Nacional. He was the organizer of the psychological experimentation laboratory, together with the chair of Psychiatry. From him came the idea and effort to associate Experimental Psychology with Neurology and Psychiatry.

The Faculty of Medicine of Bahia was founded by the Royal Charter of February 18, 1808, with the name of School of Surgery, and was renamed Academia Médico-Cirúrgica, by another Royal Charter of the same D. João VI, on December 29, 1815. Became a Faculty, by an act of the Trina Regency, on October 30, 1832.

The studies, in that House, were guided, preferably, to the social application of Psychology, to Criminology, to Forensic Psychiatry and Mental Hygiene.

In the five glosses spanning between 1840 and 1900, more than forty theses were defended, dealing with psychological themes. Among these are the doctoral theses and the celebrated theses for providing a professorship.

The Faculty library was completely consumed by fire, at 9:30 pm on the night of March 2 to 3, 1905. On that date it had 15,000 volumes.

The people were moved by the event, helping to reconstitute the collection which, at its inauguration, on April 30, 1909, already had 12,000 volumes. Academics and professors, as stated by Otávio Torres, in his work: Historical sketch of the most important events in the life of the Faculty of Medicine of Bahia (18081946), obtained valuable offers of books, medical works, theses, and also made the acquisition of numerous other works and medical journals (p. 51).

In 1851, Francisco Tavares da Cunha wrote the first systematic essay on Psychophysiology, in Brazil: Psychophysiology about Man.

Ernesto Carneiro Ribeiro, in 1864, heralds the need for psychological research for the training of physicians, with the thesis: Relationship between Medicine and Philosophical Sciences: Legitimacy of Psychology, in an excellent foresight of the problem of interdisciplinarity, as a factor for improvement cultural and professional.

Between 1853 and 1888, the Faculty of Medicine of Bahia produced some works that predate, in content and perspectives, the problem of individual-culture interaction, so evident today by the well-known positions of celebrated culturalist psychoanalysts: Fromm, Horney, Sullivan . These theses refer to the Influence of Civilization on the Movement of Mental Illnesses.

In 1897, the work: Epilepsy and Crime came to light, by its author, Júlio Afrânio Peixoto, known in Brazil and abroad.

As it was not exclusively linked to this or that European center, the Faculty of Medicine of Bahia received beneficial influence from various doctrinal currents. Its progress was due precisely to its independence from systematic schools.

From the first decade of 1900, the doctors' theses, essays and activities, coming from the two Faculties, Rio and Bahia, brought a more precise scientific character and a more defined Psychological interest, through the use of Psychological methods and techniques of greater objectivity and reliability .

Psychology Laboratories, in hospitals, Psychiatric Clinics, began to appear. The appreciability of production results and psychological results often leads the Government itself to take an interest in its creation.

Maurício Campos Medeiros' thesis, defended in 1907 in Rio de Janeiro, proves the trend towards greater scientific rigor: Methods in Psychology.

The first history of Psychology in Brazil has the title: Experimental Psychology in Brazil. Its author defends, in 1911, a thesis entitled: Associação de Ideias. It is Plínio Olinto, to whom Rio de Janeiro owes the creation, at the Institute of Education, of the Laboratory for General and Clinical Psychology Courses.

Upon returning from Europe, where he had studied with Georges Dumas, Maurício de Medeiros, connoisseur of research methodology and projective techniques, dedicated himself completely to Psychology. Four decades later, he was the one to propose to the University of Brazil the creation of courses in Normal Psychology at the Psychiatric Clinics.

By Juliano Moreira's commission, Maurício installs the Experimental Psychology Laboratory at the Psychiatric Clinic of Hospício Nacional and will be its first Director.

The year 1922 saw the creation of the Brazilian League of Mental Hygiene, responsible for promoting the Brazilian Psychology Journeys. Thus, the League tried to arouse interest in pure research and applied research.

Ten years later, the League proposes to the Ministry of Education and Health the mandatory creation of a Psychology Office, together with the Psychiatric Clinics. As can be seen, innovations that, nowadays, bring to the bosom of Psychology and to the Profession a wide field of activity and scientific improvement, through the approach to man and his adjustment, have very old roots, in the action of pioneers.

The Ministry of Education and Health calls itself, with the name of Institute of Psychology, the Psychology Laboratory of Engenho de Dentro, which operated from 1923 to 1932, and trained professionals from various specialties. It was the first Brazilian center for pure research in Psychology. Their equipment was brought in from Paris and Leipzig. The well-known name, in the History of Psychology of Brazil, Waclaw Radecki, from Poland, was the first Director of this Laboratory, which, in 1937, would be incorporated into the University of Brazil. Names such as Antonio Pena, Eliezer Schneider and Nilton Campos produced important works there.

Sigmund Freud's doctrine was also a source and object of scientific activity in the Faculties of Medicine. The first thesis defended in them was the dissertation, in 1914, by Genserico de Souza Pinto: On Psychoanalysis: A Sexualidade das Neuroses, in Rio de Janeiro. It is the first work, in Portuguese, on Psychoanalysis.

The dissemination, however, of psychoanalytic ideas would take place due to the works of Francisco Franco da Rocha, in São Paulo, 1918; and by Júlio Porto Carreiro, in Rio de Janeiro, 1928.

Durval Marcondes, Lourenço Filho, Franco da Rocha, among others, founded, in 1927, the Brazilian Society of Psychoanalysis, which would not last long.

One doctor's name, among many mentioned, of unquestionable merit for the history of Psychology in Brazil is Franco da Rocha. We consider him a pioneer in two fields of related activities: in Psychology, starting the hospital application of psychological and psychiatric techniques; in Psychiatry, carrying out the work of assistance to the psychopath's family, currently employed, as absolutely necessary, in the best centers abroad.

The two famous Faculties of Medicine, Rio de Janeiro and Bahia, had names in their banks that illustrate and honor Brazilian Medicine and Psychological Science. It is enough to be cited, among others: in Rio, Deolindo Couto, Pernambuco Filho, Antonio Austregésilo, Costa Rodrigues; in Bahia, Raimundo Nina Rodrigues, Juliano Moreira, Afrânio Peixoto and Arthur Ramos. This, one of the exponents of national Psychology, among several valuable works, would publish, in 1952, an Introduction to Social Psychology.

Institutes have been created in several cities, where Psychology studies and the application of psychological techniques are promoted by names who deserve to be part of the gallery of those who, as Doctors, studied Psychology in this country.

In Recite, Ulisses Pernambucano created, in 1925, the Institute for Selection and Professional Guidance, which would later be called the Institute of Psychology, open until 1936. Silvio Rabelo, Anita Barreto and Nelson Pires worked and specialized with Pernambucano. Pernambucano and his assistants applied tests of mental level and aptitude, among other psychological instruments. The Applied Psychology research produced by the Institute is part of our historical collection.

In Minas Gerais, in 1929-1930, the Secretary of Education, Minister Francisco Campos brought Claparéde, Léon Walter and TH Simon to Brazil through a mission he had sent to Europe. These renowned teachers taught a course in Educational Psychology and reorganized, at the Escola Normal, the Psychology Laboratory that had been operating since 1927.

When Claparède returns to Europe, Helena Antipoff replaces him in the laboratory, producing numerous works that also crossed our borders.

In São Paulo, with the creation of the Instituto de Higiene, physicians of the intellectual stature of a Banjamim Ribeiro and a Paula Souza carried out, from 1927 on, studies in Applied Psychology, originating, through their results, the Inspection Service School Doctor, where, eleven years later, Durval Marcondes would create the first Child Guidance Clinic. Once again, the past teaches the present: this Service maintained a School for the Mentally Handicapped.

In Porto Alegre, the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul established, thanks to Décio de Souza, a former student of Wertheimer, Murphy, Salomon and Kohler, the chair of Psychology in Medicine courses. From 1933, Martim Gomes worked in this state, conducting research in the area of Medical Psychology.

The year 1940 serves as a watershed between self-dictatorship and specific preparation. But it was only after 1950, in the medical field, that Psychology chairs were created.

CHAPTER III

The history of psychology written by educators and their normal schools (1920 - 1960)

From the activity of Educators, from a solid scientific culture, and from the work of the Normal Schools, Brazilian Psychology would be fruitful, through dedication to the chair, the development of new intelligences and the preparation of research in the most diverse areas of education and experimentation. psychological. They were masters who, creating generations of professionals in Education and Psychology, projected their names on the national scene and beyond.

In São Paulo, the Normal Schools have their place in the history of Brazilian Psychology, either because of the names that led them, or because of the scientific production that came from them.

The Normal School of São Paulo received the collaboration of Ugo Pizzoli who came to Brazil at the invitation of Oscar Thompson, in 1913. Ugo Pizzoli, professor at the University of Modena, Italy, created, upon arriving in São Paulo, the Laboratory of Experimental Pedagogy. Along with the preparation of numerous researchers, he taught Psychometric courses, returning to his homeland eleven years later.

Pizzoli was replaced in the Escola Normal by Clemente Quaglio and, in the laboratory, by Sampaio Dória. The value of the work of Pizzoli and the Laboratory, which he directed, can be well appreciated by the 1927 work Psychologia Experimental.

Psychology, among us, writes a special chapter, with the foundation, in 1924, of the Associação Brasileira de Educação, (work by Heitor Lyra da Silva). In its membership, ABE brings together the exponential names of Lourenço Filho, Fernando de Azevedo and Anísio Teixeira, responsible for the great revolution that National Education went through.

Each of these men deserves a volume that analyzes their genius, merits and works.

Lourenço Filho began his studies with attention and reading maturity tests at the Escola Complementar de Piracicaba, which would later be called Escola Normal. Professor of Psychology, in 1925, at the Escola Normal de São Paulo, he gave new impetus and life to the Laboratory organized by Pizzoli. Until 1927, the year in which Henri Piéron arrived in São Paulo to teach the Experimental Psychology and Psychometry courses, Lourenço Filho carried out experimental research and the first experiences with the ABC Test. The publications date from that year: Contribution to the Experimental Study of Habit and Introduction to the Study of Escola Nova. He promoted a series of translations of the works of great pedagogues, whose fame reached Brazil through his ideas. Kilpatrick, Durkheim, Ferriére and Binet-Simon thus have their books available to the Brazilian public.

Directing education in São Paulo, it reorganizes teaching and creates improvement courses for teachers, demanding that they teach the disciplines: Psychology and Sociology.

To work with him, Lourenço Filho invites Noemi Rudolpher da Silveira and JB Damasceno Penna. With Noemi, he created, at the Escola Normal de São Paulo, the Laboratory of Educational Psychology.

Upon accepting, in 1932, administrative positions in the National Education, he handed over to Noemi the chair and the Laboratory. This, in 1934, (the year the University of São Paulo was created), was incorporated into the chair of Educational Psychology at USP.

In 1938, Anísio Teixeira entrusted Lourenço Filho with professional guidance and selection at the national level. This activity began at the Instituto de Estudos Pedagógicos, where Lourenço Filho creates a special service, given to Murilo Braga, and an Applied Psychology service, under the responsibility of Manuel Marques and, later, Armando Hildebrand. It is also the work of Lourenço Filho, the School Measures Service, at the Federal District Education Institute, which later became the Educational Research Institute.

Anísio Teixeira is a national name. You don't need us to give you any adjectives. Here are his more than 9 published volumes, numerous articles and works that, like his life, were all dedicated to education. There is the Director General of Public Instruction of the Federal District, the Secretary of Education of Bahia, the Minister of Education, the promoter of revolution in Brazilian Education. Its name, however, penetrates History, also of Psychology, when it transformed the Normal School of the Federal District into an Institute and, later, into an Institute for Educational Research. With Lourenço Filho, he shared psychological and pedagogical interests.

Influenced by Medeiros and Albuquerque, Isaías Alves, another Bahian of cultural reach, dedicated himself to the study of the Tests, producing an adaptation of the Binet-Simon Test (Cyril Burt Version), after 1921. At the Escola Normal do Distrito Federal, transformed by Anísio, at Instituto de Educação, set up a testing service, which would produce several studies on tests and create new ones. His work: The Tests and the School Reorganization, was published in 1930, and the 2nd edition came out in 1934.

The initiator of the Brazilian educational revolution was Fernando de Azevedo, from 1928 onwards. Also, on this date, when he reformed the teaching of the Federal District, he created the Professional Guidance Services, at Escolas Normales. He was the first to teach sociology in Brazil.

A name has yet to be remembered by the History of Psychology: Arthur Ramos, who worked at the Educational Research Institute. There he studied orthophony. His work: The Problem Child, was published in 1939.

Also worthy of mention, for their works in Psychology and for their activity as trainers of new generations: Djacir Menezes, in Ceará, who published, in 1938, the first Dictionary of Pedagogical Psychology; Lago Pimentel, in Minas Gerais, distinguished by his book: Psicologia Applied to Education; at the Normal School of Limeira; João de Souza Ferraz, with his texts on Psychology for Normal Education, published since 1941; at Escola de Piracicaba: José Rodrigues de Arruda, pioneer of Educational Statistics, in Brazil.

In 1924, yet another pioneer, in São Paulo, working in Industrial Psychology, at the Liceu de Artes e Ofícios, began a large scientific production in the sector. He is the engineer Roberto Mange, whose work, from 1930 to 1942, was developed at IDORT, at Estrada de Ferro Sorocabana and at Centro Ferroviário of the State of São Paulo. Mange counted, at IDORT, with the collaboration of Anniela Ginsberg, in Experimental and Clinical Psychology, in 1932; and, in 1933, by Betty Katzenstein, in Psychotechnique.

Mira Y Lopez creates, in 1947, in Rio de Janeiro, the Institute of Selection and Professional Guidance (ISOP), at Fundação Getúlio Vargas. From his scientific activities, in 1946, the well-known work emerged: Evolutionary Psychology of Children and Adolescents.

In São Paulo, Oswaldo de Barros Santos, author of the first Brazilian text on professional guidance, directed, from 1938 to 1942, the Psychotechnical Office of the Getúlio Vargas Technical School.

Finally, the country begins to rely on the university institution, that is, some men join together and organize themselves to reflect, in common, the problems and needs of their time, as we said in a recent Inaugural Class. In 1934, the University of São Paulo was created and, in the following year, the University of Brazil. The Professorship of Psychology at Instituto Caetano de Campos was incorporated into the University of São Paulo and Noemi Rudolpher da Silveira, who, in 1938, would edit his Introduction to Educational Psychology, took over this chair, from 1936 to 1954, forming a pleiad of professionals who admired the master. His replacement was Arrigo Leonardo Angelini. In the Philosophy course, the chair of Psychology was occupied, from 1935 to 1944, by Jean Mangüé: by Klineberg from 1944 to 1947; and then by Annita de Castilho and Marcondes Cabral.

The year 1954 is marked by two major events: the Brazilian Psychological Association is created, on October 10, and the Brazilian Archives of Psychology publishes the draft of the law on the training of Psychologists.

CHAPTER IV

Psychology in national legislation (1890 - 1977)

In 1890, the Benjamin Constant Reform introduced notions of Psychology to the discipline of Pedagogy, in the curriculum of the Normal Schools. Until 1910, Psychology was taught, together with Logic, in seminars, colleges and in the so-called attached courses of the Law Schools that provided for this subject, in their entrance exams. Later, the Faculties of Medicine would do the same. The bill on mandatory teaching of Psychology in Medicine courses would only appear in 1954, presented by Senator Marcondes Filho.

Decree-Law No. 305, of February 26, 1938, in its first recital says, verbis, that higher education in the Republic must be reorganized, so that its quantity is restricted to strict national requirements and its quality is raised. to the maximum efficiency that the country's economic and spiritual progress increasingly demands.

Decree No. 421, of 11 May of the same year, regulates the functioning of higher education establishments. Article 4, letters a, b, c, d, e, f, g, lists the requirements for authorization of the organization and operation of a Higher Education Course. This Decree is modified by Decree-Law No. 2,076, of March 8, 1940. The modification introduced by art. 1st, which conditions the creation of a course to the real need imposed by the environment.

On the other hand, Decree-Law No. 9,092 of March 26, 1946, which expands the didactic regime of the Faculties of Philosophy and provides other measures, refers for the first time, albeit in an incipient way, to Psychology when it states, in its Article 4 , paragraph 1: To obtain the bachelor's degree, fourth-year students will receive didactic, theoretical and practical training at the Application Gym, and will be required to take a course in Psychology Applied to Education.

The Minister of Education and Health, Ernesto de Souza Campos, issued, on April 13, 1946, Ordinance No. 272 which approves the regulatory instructions for the execution of the provisions of Articles 5 and 6 of Decree-Law No. 9,092 of 26th March 1946. The Ordinance, in its article 1: The diplomas of specialization, referred to in art. 5 of the Decree-Law referred to in this Ordinance, will be the following: 1) Psychologist; 2) Physical; 3) Chemical; 4) Biologist; 5) Geologist; 6) Geographer; 7) Historiographer; 8) Ethnographer; 9) School Administrator.

And the Sole Paragraph: Candidates who want the specialization diploma must meet the following conditions:

1) Psychologist: Approved in the first three years of the Philosophy course, as well as in courses in Biology, Physiology, Anthropology, Statistics, and in specialized courses in Psychology. Finally, internship in psychological services, at the discretion of the section professors.

Article 3 of the same Ordinance provides that the Faculties of Philosophy, which are governed by the didactic system mandated by Decree-Law No. 9,092 of March 26, 1946, may hold doctoral courses for bachelors who graduated under the other system, whose requirements must be observed.

On May 13, 1946, through Ordinance No. 328, the Minister of Education and Health Resolved to issue annexed instructions, modifying and expanding those issued by Ordinance No. 272, of April 13 of the current year. In art. 1 of this Ordinance, the granting of specialization diplomas is expanded and the diploma of Educational Psychology is included among these diplomas, for whose achievement they were necessary (No. 1 of the sole §): approval in the first 3 years of the Pedagogy course, approval in a course in Child and Adolescent Psychology, approval in Psychology of the Abnormal, approval in a course in Personality Psychology, internship in Applied Psychology services and attendance at a seminar on methods and psychological research.

The Minister of War, Canrobert Pereira da Costa, on October 25, 1949, published Ordinance No. 171 with instructions for the functioning of the Personnel Classification Course, with the inclusion of the item: Notions of Normal and Pathological Psychology, with a repertoire of subjects in a wide area, starting from the objective and methods of Psychology, incurring in the memory, reasoning, imagination, volition, up to the Psychology of military leaders.

This legal diploma assumes extraordinary importance because, by virtue of a subsequent legal provision, to which we will refer, it grants the DIPLO MA DE PSICOLOGO.

The Law of Guidelines and Bases of National Education, Law No. 4,024, of December 20, 1961, establishes normative provisions, regulating, in Title IX, the structure of Higher Education and Universities.

The President of the Republic, João Belchior Goulart, promulgates, on August 27, 1962, Law nº 4.119. It is the first specific legal diploma on Psychologist Training Courses. The text of the Law brings significant innovations, among which, we highlight:

1 allows holders of diplomas or specialist certificates in Psychology, Educational Psychology, Clinical Psychology and Psychology Applied to Work, the right to register those titles, subject to compliance with other requirements (art. 19);

2 determines that registration must be requested within 180 days, counting from the publication of the Law (art. 19, § 1);

3 allows those who have already been exercising, on the date of publication of the Law, or who have exercised for more than five years, professional activities in Applied Psychology, the registration of Psychologist, with registration being required within 180 days after publication of the Law (art. 21).

The President of the Republic vetoes § 1 of Article 13 of Law No. 4.119, which deals with the characterization of the Psychologist's private function. However, the National Congress maintains, in its entirety, the vetoed paragraph.

The Federal Council of Education, after hearing the opinion of Councilor Valnir Chagas, rapporteur of the matter, (Opinion No. 403/62), fixes, by Resolution, the minimum curriculum and duration of the Psychology course, effective from the year onwards. of 1963 (art. 4).

On October 9, 1962, the Minister of Education and Culture established, through Ordinance No. 227, the Commission in charge of giving an opinion on requests for registration as a professional Psychologist, consisting of teachers: Lourenço Filho, Enzo Azzi, later replaced by Arrigo Leonardo Angelini, Pedro Parafita Bessa, Antonius Benko SJ and Carolina Matuscelli Bori.

Another Ordinance of the Minister of Education and Culture, No. 228, of December 27, 1962, published in the Official Gazette of March 18 of the same year, downloads instructions for the registration of Psychologists, in the MEC. This Ordinance, as noted, was published after the one hundred and eighty (180) days required by Law No. 4,119 had elapsed, as a fatal deadline for applying for the professional registration of a Psychologist. As a result, all registrations were granted after the deadline, even because the Commission formed to give an opinion on the requests, also started its attributions after the deadline, as it lacked regulatory instructions. The fatal deadline therefore became a dead letter.

The Minister of Education and Culture, through Ordinance No. 93, of July 2, 1963, issued instructions on the routine to be observed in the course of the Psychologist registration processes, and established other measures.

On January 21, 1964, the President of the Republic promulgates Decree No. 53,464, which regulates Law No. 4,119.

Ordinance No. 103, of May 8, 1964, of the Minister of Education and Culture, changes the articles of Ordinance No. 93, of February 2, 1963, with regard to the work of the members of the Commission. And, on November 19, 1964, the Minister issued instructions for carrying out the special tests referred to in the sole paragraph of art. 23 of Law No. 4,119, of August 27, 1962. By Ordinance No. 285, of October 11, 1965, members of the Commission designated to give an opinion on Psychologist records are dismissed, due to the conclusion of the work. On January 25, 1966, by Ordinance nP35, the deadline, established in Ordinance No. 733, for carrying out the theoretical-practical tests was extended.

Decree-Law No. 529, of April 11, 1966, reopens, for sixty (60) days, the deadline for registration and prohibits requests for review.

On December 29, 1966, Decree No. 368 of the Minister of Education and Culture provided for the deadlines for the last study of Psychologist registration processes. On the same date, the Director of Higher Education issued an Ordinance, extending the deadline for submitting a request for the registration of a professional Psychologist and reiterating the prohibition of requesting a review of the processes.

Decree-Law No. 706, of July 25, 1969, extends to holders of postgraduate course certificates in Psychology and Educational Psychology the right to the Professional Register of Psychologist.

Ordinance No. 3.286, of June 1, 1970, once again extends until December 31, 1971, the period for the competent registration of a diploma, a period related to Decree-Law No. 529/66, whose fatal date had expired on July 14, 1969.

On December 20, 1971, the President of the Republic, Emílio Garrastazú Médici, enacted Law No. 5.766, which created the Federal and Regional Councils of Psychology.

The Director of the Department of University Affairs, Newton Sucupira, in his Ordinance No. 13, of February 2, 1972, promotes, on a precarious basis, in its own book and through a course completion certificate, the professional registration of Psychologists.

The regulation of Law nº 5.766 was granted by the President of the Republic, Ernesto Geisel, on June 17, 1977, through Decree nº 79,822.

CHAPTER V

Meetings of Psychology Societies (1971 - 1973)

Promulgated Law No. 5.766, of December 20, 1971, which created the Federal and Regional Councils of Psychology, Brazilian Psychologists felt the time had come to unite in a cohesive and identified class, moved by the spirit of the Law, which offered them professional rights privative and differentiated and typical image, in front of public opinion.

All Psychology Societies were awakened, from north to south of the country, to pursue this objective.

It was not easy, neither simple nor immediate to carry out the task. Mishaps of the most diverse nature had to be dealt with.

Three different types of crystallized obstacles, for decades, challenged the Psychologists of Brazil. On the one hand, the extremely new Psychological Science had, for a long time, kept an umbilical cord, difficult to break, with its mother Philosophy, leading many, with a strictly speculative background, not to accept Psychology as a separate science. and Psychologists as holders of private rights. On the other hand, Psychology professionals, in or out of the chair, toiled in isolation, walking almost in the shadows, as if fearing that the contact and exchange of experiences and opinions would threaten their security and the status they had acquired with great pains. The existence of work groups formed by names that would at times garner great celebrity, is only an exception in the midst of the isolationism in which Psychologists lived, in the performance of a profession that only, from 1971, would assume, of right, definitive legal stature. On the other hand, the fecundity with which human society generated, at an exponential level, problems and maladjustments, in all areas of behavior, called for the interference of multiple professions, in the fields of Psychologists, based on the subjective certainty that psychic problems, either they were not the object of the therapic activity, specific to the Psychologist, within the attributions that the Law had granted, or they were part of the exclusive right of this or that profession, or they were interpreted as pertinent to those who knew a little about Psychology.

And this anomalous situation was not enough, the Brazilian Psychologist was faced with a series of traditions that despised his image and with numerous cultural stereotypes, sometimes preventing his access to the prejudiced public, sometimes blocking his attempts to emerge as a characteristic professional figure, amidst the other professions, which, per fas aut per nefas believed to be creditors of the administration of Psychology.

This unique state of an emerging class would become more problematic, given the distance that had been created, by imposition of time and tradition, between our professionals, which would generate, when trying to unity, extremely salubrious problems, which, later, they would be detected when triggering the necessary and urgent inspection of professional practice.

Making efforts worthy of the highest praise, Brazilian Psychologists began the march in search of unity.

The first National Meeting, proposed to the Brazilian Association of Psychologists, at the end of February 1971, by the Board of the Minas Gerais Psychology Society, takes place in São Paulo, on March 13 and 14, at the Regional Center for Educational Research. Professor Queiroz Filho, at Cidade Universitária. The following were represented: The Brazilian Association of Psychologists, the Professional Association of Psychologists of São Paulo, the Psychology Society of São Paulo, the Minas Gerais Psychology Society, the Psychology Society of the Federal District. The Psychology Society of Rio Grande do Sul, the Psychology Society of Rio de Janeiro and the Brazilian Association of Applied Psychology were not present, although invited.

Chaired by the Psychologist Geraldo Magnani, the Meeting reached conclusions that would define the steps of the new conclaves and the activities to be carried out, with a view to regulating Law No. 5.766, the election and investiture of the Federal Council of Psychology and conducts of a practical and policy for such purposes.

All Societies undertook to manifest themselves, after information from the Psychology Society of the Federal District, before authorities, parliamentarians and federal agencies.

The possibility of transforming the Brazilian Association of Psychologists into the Brazilian Psychological Association was studied. Under the auspices of the ABP, the II National Meeting was scheduled for January 28 and 29, 1972, in Belo Horizonte and, later, in Barbacena.

Positions are discussed and taken in relation to job opportunities opened by the National Traffic Council. The NATIONAL PSYCHOLOGIST DI A was established to be commemorated on August 27, the day of the enactment of Law No. 4,119, and the Psychology Society of the Federal District was designated to take care of the transformation of that date into Law. The Psychology Societies of Brazil agree to prepare a draft decree for the regulation of Law No. 5.766, to be discussed at the II Meeting.

The first and broad step had been taken towards the integration of Psychological Societies and towards the joint action of Brazilian Psychologists towards the possession of their Federal and Regional Councils.

There would be, however, a long way to go, from then on, to clear the path of Psychology professionals from interests and policies contrary to that event. But, the Societies were motivated and willing to make any sacrifice.

In Barbacena, on January 28, 1972, at the Hotel Grogotó, the II National Meeting of Psychological Societies began, chaired by the Psychologist Geraldo Magnani.

The following Societies were invited and sent representatives: Brazilian Association of Psychologists, Society of Psychology of São Paulo, Professional Association of Psychologists of São Paulo, Minas Gerais Society of Psychology, Society of Psychology of the Federal District, Bahia Association of Psychologists, (representing their sponsor Pernambuco Association of Psychologists), Psychology Society of Rio de Janeiro and Brazilian Association of Applied Psychology.

The participants of the II Meeting decided to: create a national entity coordinating the activities of Psychological Societies, for whose foundation the III National Meeting was indicated, to be held in Rio de Janeiro, during the Week of the Fatherland of 1972, under the coordination of the Association Brazilian Association of Applied Psychology and the Professional Association of Psychologists of Guanabara. As for the studies to give legal stamp to the National Psychologist's Day, it was decided that no action would be taken until a custom among Psychologists was structured for two years.

The participants of the Barbacena conclave also addressed the problem of the Psychologist's retirement, deciding that the Professional Association of Psychologists of the State of São Paulo would send the Minister of Labor a request to modify the criteria for calculating the retirement of the liberal professional, including the Psychology professional. Regarding the Psychotechnician for drivers, the conventional ones agreed to send a letter to CONTRAN, reporting the existing problems and suggesting the appropriate improvements.

A Commission, constituted by Psychologists Geraldo Magnani, Arrigo Leonardo Angelini and Myrian Valtrude Patittuci Neto, was instructed to address the Minister of Labor and other federal authorities to deal with the matters discussed at the Meeting.

The minutes included a vote of praise to the Psychology Society of the Federal District, Senator Franco Montoro and Deputies Sinval Guazelli and Clovis Stenzel for their efforts and commitments in favor of the approval of Law No. 5.766.

From then onwards, the positions mature, the objectives to be pursued are clarified, the attitudes to be taken are modeled, clear purposes are assumed towards the practice of the requirements of Law nº 5.766; with diligent and careful prudence, the models of action are set up, efficient types of defense against insidious actions are devised, which, in the basement of the intentions cherished by Psychologists, violated legal diplomas 4,119 and 5,766.

Psychologists in Brazil unite, finally, around the same and single banner: the affirmation itself as a class and as a profession, with its own characteristics.

On January 17, 1973, a Commission, composed by Clinical Psychologists: Elisa Dias Velloso and Therezinha Lins de Albuquerque and by the psychiatrist Samuel Menezes Faro, delivered to the Minister of Health, Dr. Mário Machado Lemos, a Memorial, signed by the President from the Brazilian Association of Applied Psychology, Psychologist Aroldo Soares Rodrigues, requesting the annexation of the document to the records of cases no. 000918/72, 000944/72 and 000031/72, where explicit positions of that Ministry contrary to the Psychologist's rights to the use of Psychotherapy.

The Memorial exposes the ABPA's point of view, regarding the matter of the Psychologist as a Psychotherapist, since the Ministry of Health, through the Opinion of Dr. A. Alcântara: Considerations on the Psychologist as a Therapist, proposed to change the legislation which regulates the training and exercise of the Psychologist profession.

As can be seen, the difficulties in characterizing the Psychologist's private activity derived not only from other professional interests, which were believed to have been harmed by Law No. 5.766, especially in its art. 13 § 1, but they originated from much more powerful forces.

On June 2nd and 3rd, at the Getúlio Vargas Foundation, Rio de Janeiro, the /// National Meeting of Psychological Societies will take place, from which, after enormous efforts, the election and inauguration of the Federal Council of Psychology would emerge. .

Guests attended: Brazilian Association of Applied Psychology, Professional Association of Psychologists of the State of Guanabara, Brazilian Association of Psychologists, Professional Association of São Paulo State, Society of Psychology of São Paulo, Brazilian Society of Psychology and Psychopathological Clinic, Sociedade Mineira of Psychology, Bahia Association of Psychologists, Pernambuco Association of Psychologists, Psychology Society of Rio Grande do Sul, Professional Association of Psychologists of Rio Grande do Sul, Psychology Society of the Federal District and Psychology Society of Ribeirão Preto.

The intense activity that characterized the III National Meeting of Psychological Societies, chaired by Psychologist Aroldo Soares Rodrigues, turned, despite appreciating the items addressed and discussed in the São Paulo and Barbacena meetings, above all, to the core of the concerns of the whole class, in the country: the defense of the Psychologist's rights, described in Law nº 5.766 and the urgent urgency of the election and inauguration of the Federal Council.

After analyzing the legal aspects of Law No. 4,119; after studying the formation of the Psychologist and approaching the central themes of Professional Ethics, the Assembly discussed, at length and in detail, the importance and unavoidable necessity of the Federal Council of Psychology, for the survival of the Class. To this end, the positions of responsibility of the previous meetings were recalled and new political attitudes and practices were approved to unfold, as of the conclusion of the conclave.

It was evident, amidst the consciousness of cohesion of the Psychologists present, that a NEW ERA had just emerged for Psychology. Brazilian Psychologists fixed a fight that would end, months later, with their great victory: THE PROFESSIONAL DEFINITION OF A CLASS.

Within the principles dictated by prudence, in the historical moment that was being lived, the Psychologists, present at the III Meeting, continued to work with the federal authorities, according to the models defined in the Assembly, while the governmental works were developed, tending to the choice of the members of the new Federal Council, which would be appointed among the representatives of the Societies of Psychology, participating in the meeting, at the Getúlio Vargas Foundation.

CHAPTER VI

Election, possession and activities of the first Federal Council (1973 - 1976)

Convened by the Minister of Labor, Dr. Júlio Barata, on December 19, 1973, delegates from all Psychology Societies, present at the III National Meeting, and holders of the requirements demanded by the Government, attended Brasília.

In unofficial contacts, the delegates had already agreed on their deliberations and decided on their understandings as to what would be done, in the plenary meeting, to be held at 8 pm, in the SEN AC Building, in Brasília.

The debates lengthened and, little by little, the atmosphere became calm, with the representatives of the Psychology Societies acquiescing in accepting the criterion of representativeness from all regions of Brazil, where there was a greater concentration of Psychology professionals, electing a Director and respective Alternate, for each Region. It was also agreed that the two Regions with the largest population of Psychologists (São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro) would be represented by two Councilors and two Alternates.

The election took place by open vote, and the First Federal Council of Psychology was thus constituted: CON SEL HEIRO S EFFECTIVE: Arrigo Leonardo Angelini (São Paulo), Arthur de Mattos Saldanha (Rio Grande do Sul), Clovis Stenzel (Rio de Janeiro), Geraldo Magnani (Minas Gerais), Geraldo Servo (Federal District), Halley Alves Bessa (Minas Gerais), Oswaldo de Barros Santos (São Paulo), Tânia Maria Guimarães and Souza Monteiro (Pernambuco), Virgínia Leone Bicudo (Federal District). ALTERNATE CON SEL HEIRO: Antonio Rodrigues Soares (Bahia), Caio Flamínio Silva de Carvalho (Bahia), Myriam Waltrude Patittuci Neto (Minas Gerais), Odette Lourenção Van Kolck (São Paulo), Reinier Antonius Rozestraten (São Paulo), Rosaura Moreira Xavier (Federal District).

Obviously, the Psychology Regions had not yet been constituted, only the representativeness of the Geographic Regions was deliberated, designating the substitutes, independently of any other characteristic than the presence of larger groups of Psychologists with the Advice.

On the morning of the auspicious 20th of December, at the headquarters of the Ministry of Labor, in a solemn session, Minister Júlio Barata swore in the First Federal Council of Psychology.

Worthy of note is the affirmation of the Minister, in his address of greeting to the new Councilors, when he congratulated and commended their election as one of the most peaceful and swift that he had ever heard. And concluded: It could not be otherwise, when it comes to Psychologists.

A class was born and a Federal Council began to operate. On the shoulders of some professionals, thousands of Brazilian Psychologists were now depositing high and heavy tasks and the burden of long hopes.

The task was, in fact, imperative and tiring. Everything should start ab ovo. The Council did not have a headquarters, it did not have a financial base, it needed an Internal Regulation, it lacked relevant legislation, it needed an administrative structure, it was ignorant of tradition. Everything depended on the effort, dedication, availability, sacrifice and public spirit of the chosen ones.

According to the provisions of articles 35 and 36 of Law No. 5.766, in its General and Transitory Dispositions, the Federal Council had as its initial headquarters dependencies of the Ministry of Labor.

The first act of the new Council was the election of its Board of Directors, which was composed as follows: President: Arrigo Leonardo Angelini; Vice President: Virginia Leone Bicudo; Secretary: Geraldo Servo; Treasurer: Halley Alves Bessa.

At their own expense, the new Councilors began a long legislative period, through monthly meetings, in the Federal Capital, in compliance with the provisions of art. 4 of Law No. 5.766.

After creating the Internal Regulation, the Federal Council established, through Resolution nº 01/74, of April 30, the jurisdictional zones and headquarters of the Regional Councils. Complementing that diploma with Resolution No. 02/74, which establishes the attributions of the Regional Councils of Psychology, the CFP designates the first components of these 36 Councils and other measures.

The Regional Councils were thus distributed: 1st Region, CR P-01, headquartered in Brasília, comprising: Federal District, States of Acre, Amazonas, Goiás, Pará and Federal Territories of Amapá, Roraima and Rondônia; 2nd Region, CR P-02, headquartered in Recife, covering the states of Pernambuco, Paraíba, Alagoas, Ceará, Rio Grande do Norte, Piauí, Maranhão and the Federal Territory of Fernando de Noronha; 3rd Region, CR P-03, headquartered in Salvador, covering the States of Bahia and Sergipe: 4th Region, CR P-04, headquartered in Belo Horizonte, covering the States of Minas Gerais and Espírito Santo; 5th Region, CR P-05, headquartered in Rio de Janeiro, covering the states of Guanabara and Rio de Janeiro; 6th Region, CR P-06, headquartered in the city of São Paulo, covering the states of São Paulo and Mato Grosso; 7th Region, CR P-07, headquartered in Porto Alegre, covering the states of Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina and Paraná.

On August 27, 1974, the National Psychologist's Day, the members of the Regional Psychology Councils, appointed by the Federal Council, in accordance with art. 38 of Law No. 5.766, in its General and Transitory Provisions.

The Philosophy of action of this Federal Council, from its earliest moments, was embodied in the effort to prepare the fundamental laws on which the tradition and unity of the class, recently recognized, would be based, solid and definitive, alongside a body conscience, under the aegis of a single Autarchy, headed by the largest body, the CFP, and, in the executive field, the seven Regional Councils of Psychology.

It is not surprising, therefore, that, in fulfillment of its thorny mission, the first Federal Council had kept within the legal interpretation, absolutely essential, of the postulates of Law No. 5.766, of December 20, 1971.

At that time, the Psychologists class had a respectable number of 895 professionals, working in the country in the most diversified areas and experiencing major problems of a legal nature, the solution of which did not allow for delays.

Faced with this reality, no more could be demanded of those pioneers who, facing the pondus diei et aestus, tore stings, through Resolutions, instructions and opinions, in the grounds of the structuring and discipline of the Class. Therefore, they did not have time for any other activities that would later be adequately addressed and guided by the laborious action of the Second Federal Council.

It is in the spirit of milestone setters in the footsteps of Brazilian Psychologists that, on July 1, 1974, the First Federal Council adopts, through its Resolution No. 04, the definition of PSYCHOLOGIST, accepted by the International Labor Organization ( ILO ), as a basic characterization of the profession, in an effort to clarify the fields of action of this professional and to illuminate the meaning and dimension of art. 13 § 1 of Law No. 5.766.

The almost obsessive concern for the moral integrity of professional performance led the First Federal Council to approve, by Resolution No. 08, of February 2, 1975, the Code of Ethics of Psychologists in Brazil, leaving, however, the discussions that would be essential, given the constant need for updating proposed by human facts in constant mutation. That Resolution would, on October 16, 1976, be improved by another document No. 14.

Following the script of organizational pressures demanded by the Regional Councils and Psychology professionals, the Federal Council, after approving the budget forecast of the CR Ps for 1975, (Resolution nº 07), provides for the registration of Psychologists, their annuities and fines (Resolutions nº 03/74 and nº 10/75), complementing these legal entities with relevant Instructions (04, 05 and 10/75; and 01/76).

Another instrument enriching the legal assets of the Regional Councils, in the performance of their responsibilities, were their Internal Regulations approved by Resolution No. 09, of March 6, 1975. To these instruments were added guidelines of a bureaucratic nature embodied in Instructions No. 01, 02, 03, 04, 06, 07, 08, 09, of 1975; 01, 02, 03, 04, of 1976.

In defense of the private character of the specifically psychological activity, described by art. 49 of Law No. 5.766, the CFP created, with Resolution No. 19, of November 20, 1976, a Special Research Commission for the Psychotechnical Examination for Drivers, seeking to find a fair and dignified solution to the problems experienced by Psychologists in all Departments of Transit of the Country.

The lack of definitive approval, by the Ministry of Education and Culture, of some Psychology Training Courses, in some States, as they do not meet the requirements of Law No. 5.766, created an anomalous situation for hundreds of professionals, to which they reacted with a unanimous cry for the right to exercise their profession.

After satisfying all academic imperatives and, after earning a degree, as Graduates (Law No. 4.119), those professionals were seen without the title that would be theirs for the completion of the Course and which could not be conferred on them, because their Faculty did not have the requirements described in Law.

In such a situation, if they were to exercise the profession, they would incur penalties imposed on illegal professional practice.

To obviate this vexatious situation, the Federal Council of Psychology, using the rights conferred on it by the Law and the Rules of Procedure, instituted, with a defined period of validity, the figure of Temporary Authorization, through Instructions No. 06 and August 8, 1975 , consolidated by Instruction No. 05, of July 8, 1976.

The first Federal Council was also a bulwark to shield the Class of Psychologists against exogenous interferences, which were against the dignity of the professional of Psychology and the privacy of their rights, in the areas of their peculiar competence. Therefore, it dictated rules that met the two non-transferable objectives. From his studies, Resolution No. 18, which provides for Supervision and Professional Guidance, originated; nº 20, which establishes general principles of Supervision of Psychotechnical Examination for Drivers; both from November 20, 1976.

The first act, aimed at inspection, even if prior to the specific Resolution and already present in the mind of the legislator on December 1, 1974, was embodied in Instruction No. 02, which provides for the registration of legal entities, which was followed by Resolution No. 13, of October 16, 1976, which requires the Registration of Organizations designed to provide psychological services to the public.

The many merits of the First Federal Council are completed, in the administrative area, through the acquisition, on January 5, 1976, of rooms 203, 204 and 205 of the Arnaido Villares Building, in the Commercial Sector South of Brasília, where it was permanently installed. the seat of the Autarchy.

It was not without reason that, on July 1, 1977, speaking on behalf of the Second Federal Council, Counselor Antonio Rodrigues Soares would express himself this way, when the unveiling of a plaque with which the new members of the CFP passed into History, through the bronze, the names of the first Councilors of the Federal Council of Psychology: Given the simplicity of this commemoration and the majesty of this event. In view of the simplicity of this meeting and the greatness of this assembly, I should say nothing more. In fact, no one would say that unrepeatable feats were built here. Nobody would say that, in this room, the man and the Psychology professional were magnified, in every act. Nobody would say that this simple environment was the stage for struggles, sometimes bellicose, sometimes pacifying, with a single objective: the achievement of the peace of the Law and the elevation of the dignity of a class. Nobody would say that the modesty of this room graced the magnificent theater by demonstrating the highest spirit of dedication to public affairs.

This is because men of the purest stock, weaving the highest and most transcendent union of intelligence and heart, of abstract work and affective struggle, of magnitudes of faith and excellence in consecration to the social cause, here they set their feet, here they made their voices echo and here they planted the products of their personalities.

These walls preserve the perennial, complete and immutable record of the activity of those pioneers of the inviolable paths, trodden by Psychology, in search of affirmation. On this floor, the voices of his steps still resound, heavy with prudence and lived experience.

And it was those pioneer men who left here their sweats, their weariness, their vigils, their greatness, that today we celebrate and exalt. To the sound of your rhythmic and generous walk, we walk today. Within your footprints, we want to write ours.

We are his heirs and we insist on preserving, with the most mature care, his examples.

And our gesture of admiration wants to have the immortality of the ancient bronze, always young, to speak, in the present, of the glories of the past, and to speak, in the future, of the commitments of the future.

We want to feel their living presence, their strong enthusiasm, their manly courage. We want, in the plethora of the most effervescent joy, to praise, today, those who have passed away, in the continuity of the responsibility inherited and assumed, for the immortality of history.

And as History, in the rigidity of its judgments and the prudent slowness of its certainties, is the teacher of Truth, we intend to unveil this page of the history of Psychology in Brazil, written in the definition of bronze, so that those who read it today, think of tomorrow, and those who, tomorrow, read it, know that if they are, it is because they are gone.

CHAPTER VII

Election, inauguration and activities of the second Federal Council (1976 - 1979)

Observing the summons made to her by the incumbent President, Virgínia Leone Bicudo, within the provisions of art. 21, of Law nº 5.766, letter a), that is, to elect the members of the Federal Council of Psychology and their respective alternates, the Assembly of Regional Delegates met, in Brasília, on December 19, 1976.

When debating the items on the agenda, the Delegates stopped to study two fundamental points: 1. Nomination or reappointment of names for the constitution of the Second Federal Council; 2. Election of the effective and alternate Councilors to represent, in the CFP, the Regional Council, Third Region, which covers the States of Bahia and Sergipe. Directors Antonio Rodrigues Soares and Caio Flamínio Silva de Carvalho, belonging to that CR P, were alternates, during the exercise of the First Federal Council, from Pernambuco and Minas Gerais, respectively.

After long and interested understandings and after the Federal Council of Psychology's budget for 1977 had been approved, the Delegates reappointed the Councilors: Arrigo Leonardo Angelini (São Paulo); Arthur de Mattos Saldanha (Rio Grande do Sul); Halley Alves Bessa (Minas Gerais); Tânia Maria Guimarães and Souza Monteiro (Pernambuco). On the same ticket, they elected: João Cláudio Todorov (Federal District); Marcus Vinicius Machado Vieira (Rio de Janeiro); Elisa Dias Velloso (Rio de Janeiro); Odette Lourenção Van Kolck (São Paulo); Antonio Rodrigues Soares (Bahia), in the capacity of Effective Directors.

The Alternate Board Members elected were: Albino Gonçalves Bairral Filho (Rio de Janeiro); Caio Flamínio Silva de Carvalho (Bahia); Cícero Emídio Vaz (Rio Grande do Sul); Fany Malin Tchaicovski (Rio de Janeiro); Geraldina Porto Witter (São Paulo); Maria do Carmo Vieira (Pernambuco); Mathilde Neder (São Paulo); Thereza Pontual de Lemos Mettel (Federal District) and Wagner Arcioni (Minas Gerais).

In a solemn session, at 9:30 am, on December 20, under the presidency of Dr. Aluísio Simões de Campos, representing the Minister of Labor, Dr. Arnaldo da Costa Prieto, the Second Federal Council of Psychology took office, whose Board of Directors was constituted as follows: President: Arthur de Mattos Saldanha; Vice President: Tânia Maria Guimarães and Souza Monteiro; Secretary: Antonio Rodrigues Soares; Treasurer: Marcus Vinicius Machado Vieira.

In his inaugural speech, President Arthur de Mattos Saldanha, speaking on behalf of his peers, commended the strenuous efforts and ingenious gestures of those who built the foundations of the Autarchy which, at the time, was being renewed, committing to continue the imposing work with the same public spirit and the same idealism.

The Philosophy of Action of the Second Council, expressed in many documents, drawn up already in its first meeting, can be summarized in three fundamental points, which would be explained and unfolded in hundreds of legal texts, originating from the dense and active sessions of its Plenary:

To unite, around the Federal and Regional Councils, the class of Psychologists in Brazil, giving them body awareness and a stable, characteristic and respected professional image;

Streamline, within the postulates of the Major Law and its regulations, the specific functions of the Federal Council and Regional Councils, in view of the quantitative and qualitative growth of Psychology professionals, which was manifested exponentially, or by the multiplication of Training Schools, either because of the unexpected challenges arising from the needs arising from the growth and professional performance of Psychologists, or because of the interference, in the Psychologist's private sectors, of people of different origins.

Make the Supervision of Professional Practice functional, and increasingly objective, efficient and effective, (primary purpose of the existence of the Councils, according to the Law), in order to restore to Psychologists the rights inherent to their competence and make defenses, in view of the public, the untouchable prerogatives of their profession and image, to those who did not hold a specific diploma.

The realization of this platform of activities would be evident, in a meridian way, in the face of the strenuous work collection, whose results would be consolidated in the 75 Resolutions, 142 Ordinances, 27 Instructions, produced until today; in the Special Commissions, constituted to study the challenging problems in which the Class works, in diversified areas of its performance; at meetings and seminars on psychology and other professions, in which the Federal Council was represented, in the country and abroad; in the relations with Ministries and other bodies of the Federal Government, in whose contacts, the Psychologist's defense was the constant nucleus of interests; in the establishment of norms to illuminate the limits of the law of Psychology Professionals and, finally, in the struggle, without barracks, to avoid insidious actions by those who, even aliens, threatened the existence and integrity of the professional values of Psychologists in Brazil.

In order for the assertions contained in that Philosophy of action to be promptly formalized, the Second Board, through Ordinance No. 01, of December 21, 1976, appointed Board Member Halley Alves Bessa Director of Publications and Disclosures, also maintaining the board of its administration, specialized employee in the Public Relations sector, with the aim of making known the presence, production, meaning and characteristics of the Psychologist's functions, before public opinion.

The first results of the new Directorate of Publications and Dissemination came to light with the creation of the Journal of the Federal Council of Psychology: PSICOLOGIA-LEGISLAÇÃO, with two editions, the first in 1976; the second, in 1977, a collection of all documentation prior to the creation of the Autarchy, and the production of the Federal Council itself. Also attached to this Board is the CFP NEWSLETTER, which is now in its eighth issue.

Aware of the survival of everything that concerns Psychology in the country, as a culture and as a source of science, the Second Council raised weapons to prevent the vast disappearance of the vast collection of the library of the Youth Orientation Center (Rio de Janeiro), appointing, through Ordinance No. 49, of October 25, 1977, Councilor Elisa Dias Velloso, to survey those works and give an opinion on their conservation.

Within this spirit of defending the roots of our History and the characteristics of our science, driven by the motivation for an objective update and enrichment of the specific culture of the Psychology professional, the Federal Council was created, in its Ordinance No. 38, of 14 of August 1977, a Special Commission for the Study of a National Meeting of Psychology of Culture, whose planning would be handed over to several professionals, appointed by Decrees nº 50/77 and 53/78.

In the action plan for approaching the public, in terms of establishing a climate of real and trustworthy information about what the Psychologist is and what content is covered by the specificity of his training and professional activity, the Second Board completes its initiative, of National level, editing the Ordinance nº 46/77, in which it appoints Psychologists responsible for planning a National Psychology Meeting, as Profession. The Executive Committee of this event would be appointed on May 13, 1978, through Ordinance No. 15. A document with the same purpose would be attributed to the Cultural Psychology Committee, on April 1, 1978, and would take No. 11.

The mind of the legislator, however, aware of his feelings of high responsibility, which the Law and the position imposed on him, would be, day by day, focused on the precision of the attributes and definitions of the limits and competences of the Brazilian Psychologist, and among professionals of other specialties, whether in documents, of a federal nature, emanating directly from the Government of the Republic. Thus, several Special Commissions were created, for instant and interested monitoring of the activities of the ministerial sectors and the legislative power, so that, in accordance with the provisions of art. 6, letter g), of Law No. 5.766, were the Federal Council and, consequently, the entire Class of Psychologists, aware of how much was produced or discussed in relation to the Profession. This, with the purpose of safeguarding the entirety and integrity of the Law and the honorability and privacy of the Psychology Professional's rights.

This is the reason why, on January 18, 1977, through Ordinance No. 06, the Special Commission for the Study of Psychologist's Participation in Human Resources Development Projects was constituted, whose rapporteur would be appointed on February 22, 1978.

Obeying, still, the vocation that would derive from the great lines of action and of law outlined by Law nº 5.766, in the broad attributions described by art. 6th, the Second Council constituted, by Ordinance No. 08, of January 18th, 1977, a Special Commission for the Study of the Position of the Psychologist in the Brazilian Classification of Occupations, whose results, requested by the Ministry of Labor, would be the first contribution of a description of the differential action of that Professional, who is awaiting improvement that will certainly define itself with the growth of the Class and crystallization of its image.

Not infrequently, in several Regional Offices, inexplicable mismatches of competence delimitation emerge, among other professionals and Psychologist, sometimes because they read art. 13 of Law No. 4,119, of August 27, 1962; sometimes because they still conserve residues of a time of legal uncertainty, which raises false positions of understanding and practice, causing the emergence of obstacles to the free performance of the Psychology professional.

To remedy this already unusual and undue situation, the Second Council constituted, on October 18, 1977, by Ordinance No. 07, a Special Commission for the Study of the Relations between Educational Advisor and Psychologist, extending it, with Ordinance No. 48 , of October 25 of the same year, the attribution of researching the relationships between Psychologist, Occupational Therapist and Social Worker.

New instances, within the same imperatives, would bring about Ordinance No. 39, of November 10, 1978, creating a Special Commission for the Study of the Interface of the attributions of the Psychologist and the Administration Technician; and Ordinance No. 36, of October 12th of the same year, designating a Special Commission with the purpose of characterizing the Psychologist's activity in the Training area.

The most serious challenges, however, to be answered by the Second Federal Council, would be based on three broad and complex fields: that of assistance to professionals in training, with regard to the precepts of art. 6, letter c), of Law No. 5.766; that of Professional Guidance and Supervision; and the use of psychotherapeutic techniques, of various origins, by non-accredited professionals, among us, according to national laws and traditions.

The Second Board was, however, full of decision and determination, in making itself, at any title and price, the supreme responsible for the burden and honor conferred on it by art. 1 of the many-cited Law No. 5.766; by art. 5th, letter b); and by art. 6th, letters b), c), d), e), f), g), j), n).

Understanding that Psychology is not done, in professional terms, without the solidity of culture, subjective and competent creativity and professional, ethically and humanely high execution, unifying in the adult and responsible person of the professional, and manifesting itself, for that very reason. , in an untouchable respect for the dignity of the human person, in its uniqueness and singularity, the Second Federal Council of Psychology dedicated itself, with special zeal, to respond to the professional training needs of Psychology students, through acts that reflect the high level of discretion of this Federal Authority.

To achieve this goal, it constituted a Special Commission for the Study of Curriculum of Psychology Courses, starting to contribute, shortly thereafter, to the efforts of the DAU), (Department of University Affairs), for the improvement of such works, through the effective presence of some of its members and other professionals in the area (Ordinance No. 05, of January 18, 1977), in its planning of specific curricula.

On May 13, 1978, Resolution No. 05 would define the figure and functions of the Psychologist's Assistant, in compliance with both the Professional Inspection process and the defense of the typicality of the Psychologist's guidance as a professional.

The scope of the wishes of the Second Council goes further, in making itself present (for the interest of guiding, disciplining and supervising the exercise of the profession), with the constitution of a Special Commission, through Ordinance No. 27, of June 22, 1978 , for the Study of the Situation of the Teaching of Psychology, in Administration, Engineering and other higher courses. It should be clarified that, in the various decisions concerning courses, the Federal Council does not intend to legislate on its internal constitution, its disciplinary development and its departmental performance. The Federal Council refers to professional performance, within the imperatives described in the Law. It is not the student, per se, the object of Resolutions and Instructions, which is incumbent upon other Federal Government bodies. case under analysis, exclusively from the guidelines, determinations and Resolutions of the CFP, which, in Brazil, are Laws for the Class. It is within these limits that Instruction No. 01, of July 9, 1978, establishes guidelines on the accreditation of Supervisors and the levels of Supervision.

The painful and embarrassing problem of Temporary Authorization, with which the First Federal Council, prudently, wanted to respond to the anxieties of Psychologists trained in Colleges, without definitive recognition by the MEC, was, once again, courageously studied, discussed and resolved by the Second Council. Aware that the understanding of a legislated figure expands and universalizes, embracing the entire community that it comprises and whose acts it tends to manage; it reduces, particularizes, individualizes and personalizes, when it comes to measuring responsibilities and valuing acts or initiatives of the singular individual; on December 20, 1977, the CFP provides, through Resolution 16, on graduates of Psychology courses recognized by the MEC and on enrollment for professional practice, in which the Temporary Authorization figure no longer exists. However, not ignoring the aspects of acquired rights, human sensitivity and social dimension, involved in the case created by the Training Institutions and not by the Psychologists egress from them, on April 1, 1978, it grants, by Resolution No. 03, Temporary Authorization, for a period of 01 (one) year, to Psychologists graduated from unrecognized Faculties.

The first document, complemented by the second, obeyed the healthy and beneficial intention of the Class, as a whole: to force Training Institutions to quickly assume their legal responsibilities before the MEC and all Psychologists in training. The document achieved its purpose and recent graduates benefited from their rights.

The second challenge that reality would throw at the Federal Council: the Inspection of Professional Practice, would carry, however, in its wake, the most important task and the most urgent performance. It was he, in all moments of rethinking, discussion, legislative activities of the Second Council, the main and core theme of what has been thought, discussed and produced up to this date. And it couldn't be otherwise. The Law had created a Professional Council and its vocation would not be specified, without consolidating and streamlining, in detail, the spirit and constancy of professional supervision, which will always result in respect for the rights of a class, the untouchability of its dignity, its image, without distortions, and the definition of the territories of its typical action. Consequently, there are plenty of reasons to assist the Federal Council for its uninterrupted, persevering and determined concern for the defense of the competent exercise of the profession of Psychologist.

Thus, resolutions of high significance are born, on which the Regional Councils and the Psychologists, inscribed in them, are based, in order to combat any behavior that violates the legal definitions.

By Resolution No. 03, of February 27, 1977, the Federal Council establishes norms for Guidance and Inspection of the Professional Practice of Psychologists, revoking the contrary provisions (Revokes CFP Resolution No. 18/76). Ordinance No. 52, of December 30, 1977, creates, to expedite what has been produced up to that date, a Special Commission for the Study and Regulation of Professional Inspection, a work that would be completed very quickly and would be transformed into the Resolution nº 01, of January 31, 1978, which issues norms for the Supervision of Professional Practice and institutes the Professional Supervision Commission, giving other measures.

Translating, in specified terms, how much the analytical Resolution referred to imposed, the Second Federal Council, on June 10, 1978, through Resolution No. 08, provided for the Exercise of the Profession, by the personal development groups, groups of Meetings centered on the Person , Therapeutic Training groups and the like.

Pursuing the same goal and seeking to meet the uninterrupted appeals of the Class, in all States of the Federation, related to the uninhibited practice of Psychotherapy, in its classic forms and in models, often more disparate, the Federal Council began the constitution of Proceedings of study, in its Plenary, on the therapeutic expressions, in all forms of illegal exercise of the Profession. It provided the Regional Councils with instruments and thus offered them the means to act with the rigidity that the force of the Law confers on them.

Initially, it provides for Transactional Analysis, reacting with vehemence, haughtiness and dignity even to the inelegant, undue and illegal intervention of an alien organism which, disregarding the international norm of the duty of non-interference in the affairs of other peoples, intended, childishly, dictate norms to the norms and traditions of our Laws. For that reason, it edits Resolution No. 07, of June 10, 1978, providing for the disclosure and use of Transactional Analysis. On December 20 of the same year, Resolution No. 19 deals with the same theme.

As half science is always a source and motivating repertoire of uncritical enthusiasms, often generating extreme and, for that very reason, irrational positions, the CFP created, by Ordinance No. 05, of January 19, 1979, a Special Commission for the study of the situation of Parapsychology, in Brazil, and, on February 20, it issued Resolution No. 04, providing for the dissemination and professional use of Psychodanza, Music Therapy and Body Expression, and equivalents, as methods and psychological techniques.

One problem, with a national dimension, continued to challenge the efforts of the Federal Council, despite the measures already taken by the First Council: the psychotechnical examination for drivers. With the willingness to seek an in-depth solution, the Second Council sought, as a first step, to carry out a study of a scientific nature, obtaining data, with a significant sample, collected among all the most representative States, by number of Psychologists in activity, in the sector, and among the DETR ANS, with the highest percentage of selection requests, in order to achieve considerable results, in whose role to legislate for the safety and defense of the rights of Psychologists, in light of CONTRAN rules. To this end, it appointed a Special Research Committee for the Psychotechnical Examination for Drivers, accrediting, through Ordinances No. 31, 32, 33, 34 and 35, of January 13, 1977, Psychologists, in order to establish articulations and contacts with the DETR ANS from Rio Grande do Sul, São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Minas Gerais and Pernambuco. The coordination of the research work was entrusted to a Special Commission, created by Ordinance No. 40, of November 11, 1978.

The steps of the ambitious research are already proving to be encouraging.

In compliance with the plan to scrutinize all corners that require inspection by the CR Ps, understanding to provide the Regional Councils with pertinent and feasible legislation, with a view to curbing and preventing the illegal exercise of the Profession (by the functional guidance of professional and ethical performance of those who work in the fields of Psychology, within the postulates of art. 13, § 1, of Law No. 4.119), the Federal Council of Psychology initially issued Resolution No. 04, of May 14, 1977, providing for the registration organizations dedicated to the provision of psychological services to the public and revoked Resolution 13/76. A year later, a new Resolution, more improved and more current, would revoke the previous one. Intending, still, to improve the legal instruments, to attend new figures that were formalized, in the relations between the Regional Councils and the organizations referred to the mentioned Resolutions, it was constituted, by Ordinance nº 08, of April 1st, 1978 , a Special Commission to determine criteria and norms for the registration of legal entities in the CR Ps.

The times called for unity of objectives, unification of forces, cohesion of scientific and class interests. Focused, by vocation and duty, for this scope, the Federal Council realized that the circumstances and conjunctural data had already matured to the point that, without prejudice to their autonomy and identity, the various Societies and State Associations of Psychology were moving towards the constitution of a representative body, in Brazil and abroad. To achieve this goal, the CFP created a Special Commission for the Study and Formation of a National Association of Scientific Psychology, through Ordinance No. 39, of August 14, 1977. In view of the positive results obtained by this Committee, Ordinance No. 10, of April 1, 1978, already formed another Special Commission to represent the Federal Council of Psychology at the General Assembly of the Brazilian Psychological Association, responsible for the agglutination of other Societies throughout the country. In a demonstration of unconditional support for the idea and due to the unification of the Societies, the Federal Council was not only willing to cede one of its heritage rooms so that the new body could function there, but also proposed to collaborate in the publication of a Psychology journal, a vehicle for works of the new Association, the Federal Council and the Class of Psychologists. In order to have in hand means to facilitate the journey to the completion of the planned undertaking, the CFP constituted, through Ordinance No. 25, of June 22, 1978, the Special Committee to Deal with Issues Related to the Implementation of the Brazilian Psychological Association.

The year of 1974 had 895 Psychologists registered in the Regional Councils. This number would increase, in 1975, to 4,951. The evolutionary curve no longer followed, as can be seen, an arithmetic progression. In fact, in the following year, Psychologists already add up to the high figure of 6,890. The Training Schools increased in number and their classes grew in population. The Federal Council of Psychology has not ceased to appeal to the Ministry of Education and Culture, through its specific body, expressing its concern at the dizzying rise in the number of graduates in Psychology Courses and at the indiscriminate proliferation of new courses. In fact, the cultural level and solidity of training of the new professionals would certainly suffer, to the detriment of the professional himself and his clientele. It sought, and continues to try, to warn that body of the supervening consequences of such vegetative growth, which does not comply with the spirit of Laws nº 4119, of August 27, 1962 and nº 5.766, of December 20, 1971 and their regulations; nor does it meet the ethical-social needs, given the crisis of discredit that many professions are going through. Enough reason for their anxieties found the Federal Council, when it found that, in 1977, the ranks of Psychologists had swelled with the massive presence of 9,233 Psychologists in activity in the country. This figure would rise, in 1978, to 12,139. the 1980s will see no less than 50,000 Psychology professionals working in all specialties provided for by law.

Faced with undeniable facts, such as this exponential curve of evolution of the Class, it was urgent to prepare an entire disciplinary and administrative structure, capable of supporting the abundance of problems that demand immediate solutions, on the part of the Federal and Regional Councils.

The streamlining of measures and legislation in line with the reality in development, in the various Regional Councils and in the daily work of Psychologists, was necessary, mainly because, anticipating the shortage of time and the accumulation of situations, on which to legislate and guide, it dimensioned the CFP the volume of measures and the mass of documents, which would reach its Plenary for consideration.

Multiple situations become the object of the legislator's production. A Special Commission is constituted, by Ordinance nº 04, of January 18th, 1977, for the Elaboration of Norms Concerning the Electoral Procedure, whose work is approved and consolidated. In Resolution nº 05, of the 14th of the same month. Instruction nº 01, of the 16th, would explain the legal

The Regional Councils would be enriched with a vast material of Resolutions and Instructions, clarifying the requirements of the administrative process. In fact, Resolution No. 06/77 establishes a fine for unjustified non-attendance to elections; Instruction No. 05/77 clarifies the vacancy and appointment of the positions of effective and alternate Directors; Resolution 10/77 provides for the extension of mandates in CR Ps and other measures; Ordinance No. 09/77 constitutes a Real Estate Acquisition Commission, which is explained by Instruction No. 08/77; Resolution nº 07/77 deals with the revenue collection system of the Regional Councils; Instruction No. 03/77 regulates the number of monthly meetings; Instruction nº 04/77 establishes norms about JETON; Instruction No. 06/77 guides the filling out of professional cards; Instruction nº 07/77 provides for the general survey of CR Ps and establishes deadlines; Resolution No. 09/77 provides for the attendance of Regional and Federal Councilors to Sessions and other measures; Resolution No. 11/77 provides for the form of remittance of the portion destined to the CFP and other measures; Instruction No. 09/77 provides rules on ticketing; Resolution 12/77 provides for the collection of annuities, fees, emoluments and fines owed by Psychology professionals to the Regional Councils; Resolution No. 14/77 approves the CR Ps' budget forecast for 1978; Resolution No. 13/77 refers to the per diems of Regional Councilors; Resolution nº 03/79 deals with the same matter, in relation to Federal Councilors; by Resolution No. 01/79, the regimental provisions of the CR Ps that provide for the annual recess of the Regional Councilors are revoked; Resolution No. 02/79 regulates the collection of active debt from the Regional Councils; Resolution No. 05/79 introduces additions to art. 89 of the Internal Regulations of the CFP; Instruction nº 02/78 establishes norms for the use of National Weapons; finally, Resolution No. 06/79 sets forth rules for the cancellation of Psychologist registration.

Each day, the growth of the Psychologists Class became evident and the bureaucratic process grew larger, demanding administrative assistance adequate to the new requirements. Also, in this field, the Second Council excelled, enriching its patrimony, with the purchase, on July 11, 1978, of another room in the Arnaldo Villares Building, number 217. On August 11, 1978, the new Plenary it would be festively inaugurated with the presence of the Regional Delegates, who, on that date, met in Brasília to approve the CFP Budget for 1979. Federal authorities attended the event.

Not all instances of Law No. 5.766 had yet been put into execution. Technical reasons, lack of specific experience and priority for legislation of greater urgency, were, prudently, leaving some legal dictates in the maturation phase. But, it was already necessary to analyze art. 11 of Law No. 5.766, which refers to the category of Specialist Psychologist. Therefore, the Federal Council hastened to create, through Ordinance No. 30, of July 13, 1977, a Special Commission for the Study of Specialties, with all Regional Councils having been invited to contribute, with their knowledge, experiences and expectations, in the definitive individuation of the specialties in which the work of Psychology professionals in Brazil will have to be highlighted. The CFP's Internal Regulation is, in the matter, extremely explicit, when, in its art. 1st, letter h) prays: conceptualize the professional specialties and establish the minimum qualification conditions for the purpose of registering specialists. Another of the difficult challenges that the CFP did not refuse to face was launched.

Compliance with one of the last provisions of the Major Law that the Second Federal Council intends to satisfy by the end of its exercise is already in progress. It is the provisions of art. 6, letter i) of Law No. 5.766: publish the list of all registered Psychologists.

In order to make the class cohesive, through feats of common interest, and to awaken research vocations, in a more significant number, as well as rewarding the efforts of isolated researchers who, not infrequently, remain anonymous, given the impossibility of making people arrive His works were made public, and with the aim of bringing to all centers of culture the product of the creativity and dedication of privileged intellects, the Federal Council decided to approve a special grant, with which to reward the best works of a scientific nature.

On August 14, 1977, Ordinance No. 37 instituted a Special Commission to study the creation of a Triennial Psychology Prize. A name should be honored with this promotion. No other would better fulfill the conditions of value, pioneering spirit, idealism, creativity and scientific production, in the field of Psychology, than that of Manuel Bergstrom Lourenço Filho. His name would definitely be remembered by Resolution No. 02, of February 2, 1978, when he created the Lourenço Filho Triennial Award and its regulations. As the dates for delivery, judgment and award of the Prize were regular, on September 14, 1978, Ordinance No. 33 constituted a Commission for judging the works that competed for the Prize. Reasons, of a transitory nature, would lead the Federal Council to invoke, by Resolution nº 17, of December 19, 1978, the decision to grant or not, in that year, the honor referred to in Resolution nº 02/78.

However, the interests of the Federal Council would not be exhausted for everything related to the Psychologist, his training and professional improvement. The Brazilian legislation on this professional was already showing, due to the changes imposed by time and cultural evolution, sometimes lame, sometimes inefficient. It was urgent to update it and make it more adhering to our reality. In the footsteps of art. 6, letter n) of Law No. 5.766, the CFP took the first step to propose to the Public Power amendments to the legislation relating to the exercise of the profession of Psychologist, constituting, through Ordinance No. 42, of December 18, 1978, a Special Commission for the study of the Psychologist's Legislation.

The constant vigilance over the integrity of the laws, which incorporate the profession's substantial data, postulated the participation and attention of our Autarchy when it was created and debated in the precincts of the Legislative Power. There, a Federal Councilor was appointed to, on a permanent basis, serve as a point of contact, in compliance with letter g) of art. 6, Law No. 5.766. In specific cases, what is the approach of themes that, directly or indirectly, harm the Law and the Psychologists' rights, the Federal Council's attention and diligence focused on defending the integrity of our diplomas would be infringing. This is what happened when Psychoanalysis was approached as a Profession, to which the Federal Council immediately responds, creating, with Ordinance No. 38, of October 12, 1978, a Special Commission to study Bill No. 2818A, authored by Deputy Odemir Furlan. New Commission, in this matter, is constituted by Ordinance No. 43, of December 20, 1978, with the purpose of implementing the plan and action strategies in relation to the aforementioned project.

In all this abundant legal production, the legislator's mind was always presided over as an incessant concern: to preserve at a high level the ethical status, spirit and substantial form of the Psychologist's dignity, as a man, as a scholar and as a Professional. And it could not be otherwise, since all the actions of the Psychology professional, directly or indirectly, are directed at man, in his essential dignity. This is the object of the professional activity of all professional interactions, constituting the differentiating foundation of the fairness of performance and the Psychologist's respect for the postulates of dignity and seriousness that cannot be transferred from professional ethics. This is the profound reason why, on December 21, 1976, the Federal Council of Psychology appointed its Ethics Committee which, among other activities, is preparing, with the contribution of the Regional Councils and Brazilian Psychologists, our Code of Ethics professional, able to catch and interpret new behavioral facts and new emerging needs of a society in transition.

A century ago, Scientific Psychology was born. The empirical philosophical Tradition, in whose bosom it evolved for centuries, and from which it emancipated itself, would be linked to the contributions of Physiology, to which it is not reduced. Wundt establishes the convergence between the data of Philosophy and the results of physiological discoveries. De Fechner uses the measurement method; from Donders, the problem of reaction times; from Helmhotz, the physiology of the sense organs oriented towards psychological problems. Wundt conceived Psychology as an experimental science, although the experiment was subordinated to a theoretical conception.

These were the first steps, albeit uncertain, of an independent science, which, fed today with the help of auxiliary sciences, opened horizons for the birth of the most diverse Schools, which enrich, with precise findings, the texture of its scientific organism and offer you challenges and hypotheses of extraordinary potential for possible findings. It is an independent science that, with great difficulty, invading the professorships, laboratories, the concessions of scholars and the interest of all strata of the public, has imposed itself, with such vigor, that we can no longer say that it is the science of the future. , because, in the present, it is the science of now.

When completing a century of age, Psychology is a heritage of all and, specifically, it is our endowment, imposing on us the responsibility to bequeath it to the later ones, richer, more perfected, safer and more science. Those, certainly, will use it for the good of a humanity, which, in Psychology, is curious about the discovery of intrapersonal events and to satisfy the need to improve the web of interpersonal relationships, thus satisfying the new needs, emerging in each evolutionary moment. what the individual goes through, in the search for the total personality.

Seeking, with justice, to commemorate the First Centenary of Psychology, the Federal Council issued Resolution No. 18, of December 20, 1978, establishing the date of January 21, 1979 as the beginning of the solemnities of the hundred years of the life of Psychology, as science in Brazil. This story had its first chapter with the lecture, on the date, by Prof. Dr. Oscar Venâncio Ohativia, from Argentina, who outlined, for the CFP Plenary, the main lines for the development of this science in his country.

CONCLUSION

The quick review of the evolution of Psychology among us makes us realize that there were many contributors who planted ideas, offered facts, produced data and elaborated situations, in whose atmosphere Psychological Science would impose itself among us.

There were still not a few who, treading on unsafe soil and facing unthinkable difficulties, bequeathed us rights and identity for the transformation of isolated work into a legal and defined profession.

The result of almost a century and a half torn between prehistory and the history of Psychology, in Brazil, is the Federal Council of Psychology with its Regional Councils.

History is already demanding, from those who make up the expressive class of Brazilian Psychologists, a complete historical work, where all the pioneers of this immense undertaking have their place and receive their honors. Here I leave the challenge. Perhaps many do not appear in the pages of History, even if they have written it in their gestures, in creation and in their acts. All, however, in the exercise of the promotion of man, object of Psychology, will shine like stars in the perpetual eternities, which is the place of those who believe in science and make of it the sleepless inquiry of the Truth.

By: Antonio Rodrigues Soares

SPORTS

Whether individual or in a team, sports are among the main physical activities practiced by modern man. According to a survey by the Ministry of Sports of Brazil, carried out in 2013, almost half of Brazilians who practice physical activities are adept at some sport.

There are several versions that explain the origin of sports. Some historians claim that the first sporting demonstrations took place in Ancient Greece, while others believe that, before sport became a common activity, warriors played with the head of one of the defeated in war, and this grotesque habit evolved into practices sports.

The modalities of the most common sports vary according to the region, as the weather conditions greatly influence the practice. In China, for example, the most popular sport is table tennis; in Australia, it's rugby; in Kenya, it's athletics; and in Canada, ice hockey. In Brazil, the national passion is football, one of the most popular sports practices in the world.

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The taste for sports brings together, periodically, the main athletes from different countries. Originating in Greece, around 770 BC, the Olympic Games take place every two years, alternating between Winter and Summer Olympics, and have the participation of approximately 200 countries. Another popular sporting event, especially in Brazil, is the Soccer World Cup, which takes place every four years and brings together 32 teams.

Brazil

According to a survey carried out by the Ministry of Sports in 2013, the ten most played sports in Brazil are, in order: soccer; walking and running; volleyball; gym and weight training; swimming; futsal; bodybuilding; cycling; handball; and basketball.

by Rafael Batista

Brazil School Team

EDUCATION IN BRAZIL

When proposing a reflection on Brazilian education, it is worth remembering that it was only in the mid-twentieth century that the process of expansion of basic schooling in the country began, and that its growth, in terms of public education, took place in the late 1970s and early 1980s.

With that said, we can turn to national data:

Brazil ranks 53rd in education among 65 countries assessed (PISA). Even with the social program that encouraged the enrollment of 98% of children between 6 and 12 years old, 731,000 children are still out of school (IBGE). Functional illiteracy of people between 15 and 64 years old was registered at 28% in 2009 (IBOPE); 34% of students who reach the 5th year of schooling are still unable to read (All for Education); 20% of young people who complete elementary school, and who live in large cities, do not master the use of reading and writing (All for Education). Teachers are paid less than the minimum salary (et. al., in the media).

Faced with the data, many can become critical and even ask themselves questions about the advances, concluding that “if society changes, the school could only evolve with it!”. Perhaps common sense would suggest that we think that way. However, we can note that the evolution of society, in a way, makes the school adapt to a modern life, but defensively, late, without guaranteeing a higher level of education.

Therefore, now not because of common sense but because of custom, the “blame” would tend to fall on the teaching professional. In this way, teachers become targets or are caught in the crossfire of many social and political hopes in crisis today. External criticisms of the educational system demand more and more work from teachers, as if education alone had to solve all social problems.

We already know that it is not enough, as was thought in the 1950s and 1960s, to provide teachers with books and new teaching materials. The fact is that the quality of education is strongly linked to the quality of teacher education. Another fact is that what the teacher thinks about teaching determines what the teacher does when he teaches.

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Teacher development is a precondition for school development and, in general, experience shows that teachers are poor implementers of others' ideas. No reform, innovation or transformation – whatever you want to call it – lasts without the teacher.

It is necessary to abandon the belief that teachers' attitudes only change to the extent that teachers perceive positive results in student learning. For an effective change in belief and attitude, it would be appropriate to consider teachers as subjects. Subjects who, in professional activity, are led to get involved in formal learning situations.

Profound changes will only happen when teacher education ceases to be a top-down updating process and becomes a true learning process, as an individual and collective gain, and not as an aggression.

Certainly, teachers cannot be taken as the only actors in this scenario. We can agree that this situation is also the result of little engagement and pressure on the part of the population as a whole, which contributes to the slowdown. Even without mentioning the corporatism of the bodies responsible for management - not only the education system, but also the school units - and also the many of our contemporaries who think, without daring to say aloud, "that if everyone were instructed, who would sweep away The streets?"; or that they have no problem “dispensing all high-level training when the available jobs do not demand it”.

In the meantime, we remain far from reaching the goal of literate all children up to age 8 and carrying the burden of poor IDEB performance. With an average pass rate of 0 to 10, Brazilian students scored 4.6 in 2009. The country's goal is to reach 6 in 2022.

Eliane da Costa Bruini

Collaborator Brasil School Graduated in Pedagogy, by the Salesian University Center of São Paulo – UNISAL

CULTURE IN BRAZIL

Brazilian Culture is the result of the miscegenation of several ethnic groups that participated in the formation of the Brazilian population.

The predominant cultural diversity in Brazil is also a consequence of the large territorial extension and the characteristics generated in each region of the country.

The white individual, who participated in the formation of Brazilian culture, was part of several groups that arrived in the country during colonial times.

In addition to the Portuguese, the Spanish came, from 1580 to 1640, during the Iberian Union (a period in which Portugal was under the rule of Spain).

During the Dutch occupation in the Northeast, from 1630 to 1654, Flemish or Dutch came, who stayed in the country, even after the retaking of the area by the Portuguese. In the colony, the French, English and Italians also arrived.

However, it was from the Portuguese that we received the fundamental cultural heritage, where the history of Portuguese immigration to Brazil is intertwined with our own history.

It was they, the colonizers, who were responsible for the initial formation of the Brazilian population. This resulted from the process of miscegenation with African Indians and blacks, from 1500 to 1808. For three centuries, the Portuguese were the only Europeans who could freely enter Brazil.

To know more:

Brazilian population

Cultural diversity

Cultural diversity in Brazil

Immigration from Brazil

Popular culture

The Formation of Brazilian Culture

The formation of Brazilian culture resulted from the integration of elements from indigenous cultures, the colonizing Portuguese, the African black, as well as the various immigrants.

See also: Formation of the Brazilian People: history and miscegenation

Indigenous Culture

The contributions of Brazilian Indians to our cultural and social formation were many. From an ethnic point of view, they contributed to the emergence of a typically Brazilian individual: the caboclo (white and Indian mestizo).

In cultural formation, the Indians contributed with the vocabulary, which has numerous terms of indigenous origin, such as pindorama, anhanguera, ibirapitanga, Itamaracá, among others. With folklore, legends such as the curupira, the saci-pererê, the boitatá, the iara, among others, remained.

The influence on cuisine was more present in certain regions of the country where some indigenous groups managed to take root. An example is the northern region, where typical dishes are present, including tucupi, tacacá and maniçoba.

Roots such as cassava are used to prepare flour, tapioca and beiju. Various hunting and fishing tools, such as arapuca and puçá. Finally, several household items were left as inheritance, including the hammock, the gourd and the trough.

To know more:

Brazilian Indians

Indigenous Culture

Indian's day

Portuguese culture

Portugal was the European country that exerted more influence in the formation of Brazilian culture.

The Portuguese carried out a cultural transplantation to the colony, highlighting the Portuguese language, spoken throughout the country, and the religion marked by festivals and processions.

Administrative institutions, the type of construction in towns, towns and cities and agriculture are part of the Portuguese heritage.

In Brazilian folklore, the large number of Portuguese festivals and dances that have been incorporated into the country is evident. Among them, the cavalhada, the fandango, the Festas Juninas (one of the main festivals of culture in the Northeast) and the farra do boi.

Folklore legends (cuca and bogeyman), circle songs (live fish, cloves and roses, spinning tops, etc.) remain alive in Brazilian culture.

If you want to know more about the country's folklore: Brazilian Folklore.

African culture

African blacks were brought to Brazil to be employed as slave labor. According to the cultures they represented (religious rites, dialects, uses and customs, physical characteristics, etc.) they formed three main groups, which showed marked differences: the Sudanese, the Bantu and the Malian. (Islamic Sudanese).

Salvador, in northeastern Brazil, was the city that received the greatest number of blacks, and where various cultural elements survive.

Examples are the “baiana costume”, with turban, lacy skirts, bracelets, necklaces, capoeira and music instruments such as the drum, atabaque, cuíca, berimbau and afoxé.

In general, the cultural contribution of blacks was great:

In food, vatapá, acarajé, acaçá, cocada, peanuts, etc;

In the dances (quilombos, maracatus and aspects of Bumba meu boi)

In religious manifestations (candomblé in Bahia, macumba in Rio de Janeiro and xangô in some northeastern states).

To learn more, also read the articles:

African culture

Northeast culture

Main Characteristics of Afro-Brazilian Culture

Samba

Afoxe

Immigrant Culture

Immigrants made important contributions to Brazilian culture. The history of immigration in Brazil began in 1808, with the opening of ports to friendly nations, made by D. João.

To populate the territory, came Portuguese, Azorean, Swiss, Prussian, Spanish, Syrian, Lebanese, Polish, Ukrainian and Japanese families, who settled in Rio Grande do Sul.

The highlight were the Italians and Germans, who arrived in large numbers. They were concentrated in the south and southeast of the country, leaving important marks of their cultures, mainly in architecture, language, cuisine, regional and folk festivals.

The wine culture in southern Brazil is mainly concentrated in the region of the Rio Grande do Sul and countryside mountains, where descendants of Italians and Germans predominate.

In the city of São Paulo, the large flow of Italians has given rise to neighborhoods such as Bom Retiro, Brás, Bexiga and Barra Funda, where the presence of Italians is remarkable. With them came the typical pastas such as pasta, pizza, lasagna, cannelloni, among others.

ART IN BRAZIL

The history of art in Brazil is all the manifestation of art that took place since the period before colonization. The first artistic manifestations in Brazil took place long before the Portuguese landed on Brazilian lands. The oldest artistic forms were found in Piauí, they are cave paintings and are about 15,000 years old.

Research confirms several records of art forms in Brazilian prehistory. In Paraíba, 11,000-year-old paintings were found. In Minas Gerais, there are records of rock art that stand out for their rare drawings in geometric shapes, dated between 2,000 and 10,000 years ago. Bones, clay, stone and horns were also used for the production of utilitarian and ceremonial objects, demonstrating a concern with aesthetics.

Indigenous art, on the other hand, stands out mainly in the Amazon region, where they made ornamental and ceramic objects, especially anthropomorphic and zoomorphic vases, and terracotta statuettes. It is also worth mentioning the production of ceramics from the coast of Maranhão and the coast of Bahia. Other forms of indigenous art were: body painting, feather art and braiding.

After colonization, Brazil received several influences. The Dutch greatly influenced art in the Pernambuco region, the Africans who came as slaves also influenced Brazilian popular culture a lot, with music, dances, typical foods, etc.

The Baroque style was introduced by Catholic missionaries in the 18th century. XVII. As in Brazil there were no great patrons (sponsors) to finance profane arts and religion exerted a great influence on daily life, these two factors meant that most of the Baroque legacy was left by the church. Brazilian Baroque was a functional art form, aimed at facilitating Catholic doctrine and the absorption of European customs. In literature, the main artists were Gregório de Matos and Padre Antônio Vieira, and in fine arts were Aleijadinho and Mestre Ataíde. In architecture, it manifested itself mainly in the Northeast and in Minas Gerais, despite having features throughout the country.

Neoclassicism surpassed the Baroque style in the beginning of the century. XIX, when the Portuguese court, which was installed in Brazil, made neoclassicism an official style. With the foundation of the Royal School of Sciences, Arts and Crafts, the style began to be taught in an academic way. The Week of Modern Art in 1922 was the starting point of modernism in Brazil, influencing mainly literature and plastic arts.

MUSIC IN BRAZIL

Brazilian music is one of its cultural expressions par excellence. The music made in Brazil is a unique blend of European harmony and melody, with African rhythms and native Indian culture. How these very different sounds came together to create what we now know as Brazilian music is a long story.

It all started with the Indians who made music with rattles, flutes and drums; this music was used in circle dances, where the Indians sang and tapped their feet. From the 17th century onwards, slaves brought from Africa joined their strong rhythms with the “Candomblé” rituals. The Portuguese are responsible for joining the slow ballads accompanied by cavaquinhos, mandolins and Portuguese guitar. Over time, other musical elements influenced the music made in Brazil, such as Italian and French operas, dances such as the zarzuela, bolero, vala and polkas; and, in the 20th century, North American jazz.

The history of Brazilian music can be divided into two periods:

Classical music: covers the Beginnings, 18th century music and the Escola Mineira, Classicism, Romanticism, Nationalism, Modernist and Contemporary Vanguards.

Urban popular music: includes the origins (Lundu, Modinha and Choro), first half of the 20th century (Teatro de Revista and Bossa Nova), second half of the 20th century (Tropicália, Jovem Guarda, Iê Iê Iê and MPB), samba and the current popular music (sertanejo, Brazilian rock, forró, lambada and electronic music).

Brazilian music has developed styles as unique and original as samba, bossa nova, MPB, sertanejo, pagode or carioca funk. Samba became world famous due to carnival, but other genres also achieved international recognition, such as bossa nova, with songs like “Garota de Ipanema”, by Tom Jobim and Vinicius de Moraes, or “Águas de Março”, with Tom Jobim calling Elis Regina to sing along.

SHANTY TOWNS

According to the definition of the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), a favela is a set of households with at least 51 units, which occupy, in a disorderly and dense manner, land owned by others (public or private) and which does not have access to essential public services.

Based on this understanding, the favela is described by what it does not have, and not by what it is. It is almost a consensus to describe the favela for what it lacks, in addition to the homogenization of a diverse space, which is found in different landscapes.

How did the favelas come about?

The first favelas would have appeared, in Brazil, at the end of the 19th century and beginning of the 20th century. They came about as a result of a number of factors. The government policy installed at the beginning of the 20th century in Rio de Janeiro aimed to eliminate precarious housing, such as tenements, from the city center, and sent low-income citizens to remote areas. The rural exodus, accelerated urbanization and industrialization also played a fundamental role in the origin of slums.

The dwellings in the favela are not the same. While some have little structure, others are made of masonry and safer materials.

A space for solutions

An important feature of favelas since their origin is the presence of contrasts and the absence of state support. As a result, residents, who did not have basic infrastructure, such as treated water, electricity and sewerage, had to find their own solutions for their daily lives. The favela is essentially a space for problems, but, at the same time, a space for solutions. Its residents organize themselves according to their possibilities and reinvent ways to minimize daily adversities.

Contrary to what many people imagine, most of the population of favelas is located in flat places, and not just on slopes and hills.

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The favela is often seen only as a space of exclusion, violence and poverty. This stereotype does not correspond to the reality of such a diverse space. Each favela has a level of infrastructure, violence and income that sets it apart from others. This is what happens in cities, which have different characteristics from each other.

Even today, favela residents need to seek solutions to old problems. This is because the rulers continue to see these urban agglomerations as a region not belonging to the city. The view that the favela is a world apart is maintained. This vision limits investments in the organization of favela spaces, such as urban cleaning, leisure spaces, electricity, asphalt and transport.

The favela is an urban agglomeration full of contrasts. Violence and poverty should not represent the whole concept of favela

Overcoming stereotypes

Understanding the favela as a space of violence and criminality is also restricting its characteristics to a single aspect. There is violence and crime in other spaces too. The favela is another part of the city and reflects what happens in it.

It's true that there are people who inhabit this place just out of necessity or lack of choice. However, although these living spaces have their limitations, many people identify with and are proud of their origin. So much so that many have chosen to use the term community to refer to the favela. This term brings with it the identification with the group to which the person feels they belong and does not carry the negative stigmas related to the word favela. By Amarolina Ribeiro Graduated in Geography

BRAZIL

Brazil is a country located in the subcontinent of South America. The Brazilian territory is bathed by the Atlantic Ocean, limited to the north, with French Guiana, Suriname, Guyana, Venezuela and Colombia; to the northwest, with Peru; to the west, with Bolivia, Paraguay and Argentina; and to the south, with Uruguay.

Brasilia capital of Brazil

The Brazilian territory has a continental dimension, being the fifth largest country in the world, surpassed only by Russia, Canada, China and the United States. The extreme points from north (Monte Caburaí) to south (Arroio Chuí) of the territory add up to 4,394 km and from east (Ponta do Seixas) to west (Serra Contamana) add up to 4,319 km. Brazil has an area of 8,514,876 km², in which about 190,755,799 inhabitants live, being the fifth most populous country in the world, surpassed only by China (1.3 billion), India (1.1 billion), State United States (314.6 million) and Indonesia (230 million). Despite being considered a populous country, it is sparsely populated.

Due to the territorial dimension, there are three time zones in force in the country. The country's territory is continuous, except for some islands that are disconnected from the mainland. A large part of the Brazilian territory is located in the southern hemisphere (93%), in addition to being totally in the western part of the world, in the middle of the Earth's intertropical zone. The geographic location on the globe means that there is a great incidence of solar rays on the country's surface, so the predominant climate is tropical, but there are other climatic characteristics, such as equatorial, subtropical and semi-arid.

The country has several vegetative formations, including: Cerrado, Caatinga, Atlantic Forest, Araucaria Forest, Prairies, Pantanal, Amazon Forest. As for water resources, the territory is privileged, as there is a large amount of rivers, the main hydrographic basins are: Amazon Basin, São Francisco Basin, Paraná River Basin, Paraguay River Basin and Uruguay River Basin.

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Brazil is a Federation made up of 26 States and the Federal District, the States being divided into municipalities and these, into districts.

The Brazilian population is ethnically made up of Indians, Portuguese, Africans, European immigrants (Italians, Poles, Germans, Spaniards, etc.) and Asians (Lebanese, Japanese, among others). Currently, the population is composed according to color/race: white (49.4%), brown (42.3%), black (7.4%), yellow (0.5%) and indigenous (0.3%).

The Brazilian economy grew significantly, today the country is considered emerging, in addition to being a large agricultural producer and industrialized at the same time, with a diversified industrial park. Various estimates place the country as powers for the future, in view of the great potential it has.

By: Eduardo de Freitas

MARGINALITY

It is common nowadays to come across news about murders, drug trafficking, etc. that say that not every resident of the “favelas” is marginal, that the population of this “community” is predominantly honest. The sense of “marginality” means the set of non-honest, non-legal actions taken by those who make a living from criminal practices. An interesting aspect of the meaning of this word is that it can say what is unacceptable as a social practice, but it can also work to separate the social issue of criminality from what personally identifies someone as a criminal. It can be said that a person “lives in marginality because he is unable to support himself”. In other words, one can live in marginality without being, effectively, a criminal, someone dishonest. With the word marginality it is possible to operate a division between a practice and a personal “essence”, as if this essence existed. This type of question is linked to something inverse to what we presented above regarding the justification that not all people in a favela are marginal, as in the case of the murderer who is not treated as a marginal, for the simple fact that he belongs to a group. social not meaning ideologically as marginal. Let us remember the case of the above mentioned murder and even corruption. The interesting thing about following up on these processes involved in the meaning of words is being able to follow the way in which the dispute for the meanings takes place in society.

RESPECT AND THE CITIZEN

I want to give great respect and humanity in these words of mine to describe a little the true role and simply the everyday life of everyone who for a foresight to see and know each day how society will distort its own human failure and failure. The lives of others that maybe due to superstition and moral and mental lack of human beings, do not go well with their moral and educational attributes in the social environment and in the world that remains this thing called moral ethics that could possibly complete ours. attributes in social life because we inevitably live today in a war of facts that always takes place every day as perhaps a debt between the guilty poor who could perhaps, morally and educationally, preserve and educate their own will which is simply the best condition and where we can we conduct ourselves effectively and with our educations because they are our biggest and best ways to act against a suffering society a tremendous drama that comes from irreverent reforms and social malfunction where legitimate orders are not taken policies that always end up shocking in the society that always depends strongly of education, level of education, work, honesty and trusting friendships that are implemented only in the legitimate steps of control of life that make society react in a controlled manner to black deficiencies created by the opposite of life that are devaluation for all for lack of simple control and occupational readjustment of certain entrepreneurs and representatives. tants of education and social issues that are tainting the truth with the lie that is causing the real dungeon and I have collapsed into all social classes. I want to talk about social education to bring into line the respect that is lacking for other human beings who are suffering from this problem that can be the petty side of poverty and crazy talk that is killing human beings due to an emotional and weak imbalance with the insecurity that is not being controlled by the lack of disciplines and agreements between their own families and the large social family that today lives precarious with a drama of lack of love, self-respect education and education, democracy in the country so that there is a moral centralization and educational between politics, religion, police and society that is always the target of all social declines in all countries that live perhaps looking for the true answer to stabilize among the social environment that is most victimized by the political relations and reactions that are always manipulating the stages of justice and social order around the world.

Today is no evidence that is always showing -In on television programs such as the national newspaper, the date, general round and many others that there is a higher level of audiences across the country that always says -we every day on the marginality level that are consuming the purest and most sincere good intentions of a human being who lives his life suffers the harsh brutality and inhumanity caused by fearless gang of killers who have no education or perhaps they could educate If by an influence consists of perhaps a precariously between social classes who are victims of a paranoid life and evil attributed by some mismatches caused as a classification of certain individuals who have no education and control over other misfits social, which is the side that most mad and teaches the human being to unfold on their rights and values of a life that might not be normal and is completely contrary to his will and reason to live and be happy in life of certain reasons that make -In go through the main social aspects that are always driving -we as a power active in reaction against the desire and social well-being that some people can live happy and make your life what they always wanted to get an education, family, social support and good human instinct that little by little are saved from the dark side of life that will always be smearing the perfect mind of perhaps a poor citizen It has nothing in life and shelter attempts because he is a man and is normal with something means satisfied that can give life in about a day or maybe a year of restless declines emotional due to social discomfort and their means and inflamed life and many others if you have something you can be happy, but not everything can be normal when you do not have education or normality in life because a saying is said with little you do a lot and a lot you may do little because and u tell HIM that the ability to live and be happy in life hangs over us because the fatal war of nerves may become unhappy and -In think the world is not perfect because they are not always the scars spread in society crucifying even a healthy mind that is always looking for the well-being and all that is consistent and all this is that it is worth it and it lives in our minds and consciences, because living is not easy, but it's easy to create a life as many irresponsible people do out there just to say you love someone or maybe more than they can love someone who has no education and support to live to the end put another innocent to live and suffer no educati in starving to be registered after some time as a marginal future in society that already live in the efforts and social declines caused by financial adjustments in order of politicians who always want to be elected in his country with a sick mind q u would not even be Worth to its staff and the presence of lie and make their country a huge war of nerves that deep down I can always protect He fills the heart sick certain sick people more than sorrow, which already live suffering for being poor and not having to survive to the end of a sad relevance of life, turning into major criminals to commit crimes fearless and deaths on the earth's face causing -if the their own end up making the company one school ill habits today is a lament and news every day who think that sucks life, and the world will bring order and everything is incapable of reacting on the limits of life's getting existence of humans as their own cause to live and make their lives. What I admire most in life that human beings be recognized among the many and not fail until over a little, because it would no doubt how could thank him if he knew that the best thing in life is himself knows what he is doing to himself, because his life would be worth a lot more and that may form one day society could walk. Thanks!

CRIME VECTORS JUSTICE

I simply believe in justice that one day will really do justice when perhaps the human being understands that his actions will never fully satisfy him because the logic would be for him to restrain himself from his actions that just wouldn't delay justice at all as many do disorders and crimes by an unnecessary decal of habits without thinking that it is cooled in the action of a revenge that is put into practice of a homicide that in psychology are not accepted as normal products to certain habits and emotional disorders that are put into abnormal practices of actions derived from aggressions that turn into crimes that makes us think about a psychoanalysis of how human beings can develop under penalties and deaths when the lie will not and would never silence the truth when the truth would not be disguised as a criminal purpose because I just believe that it would be absolutely immobile, unusual because it established its acts and that nothing could show any grounds whatsoever. about any non-criminal definition that we can verify personal behavior as a more unexpected form that is under a purpose, truth or lie that supposedly justice does not firmly deny how much the subject would be a compound of actions attributed to the law that is a social defense in when the criminal tries to dodge any penalty or inadequate purpose under certain circumstances of life and is based on full realities absorbed by life that are called crimes that enter into peculiar actions and in the end we would experience all the characteristics, modalities of the criminal for reason and expertise such as skilled labor and justice and law that are established under orders of justice in the country.

I have been addressing a simply more logical story that many today are victimized and complicated under the penalty of death that perhaps we could be thinking if it would be logical or unnecessary because we would not maintain freedom in the country under certain controls between justice and human rights that we it shows a more effective clairvoyance under such pains that it truly shows us humanity on social basis that has no capacity to point out a disadvantage because not all classes would be content under certain controls of such personal fundamentals that could show the truth behind the lie that honesty would even cure all the needs that human beings do not have and are based on certain bases and doctrines that would establish brotherhoods or uncertain political and religious assumptions that would reveal the social inhumanity in the country against the marginality that is under a contradiction of racism, Nazism, homicides that it would be more logical to keep perhaps as a rule education in the country for all social classes that need support and support because 60% per cent would be more affordable and based on the wealthy classes while 30% per cent would be from the middle classes and 10% per cent would be in the poor classes that there is no support, work and certain doctrines such as social behavior, psychological treatment, school programs for all should be exercised as an effective commitment that could perhaps detain 50% of unemployed and uneducated people, making it a more extended and humanitarian study under justice and government in the country and education maybe we can believe that few can regenerate themselves by a psychological factor that is infiltrated in society including all classes that waste without honesty and abuse their capacity using their own security as a purpose to fight the emotional incapacities that filter into society marginalizing human beings with addictions such as drugs and drinking the alcoholic ones to undo any motivated disorder of a friend, girlfriend, work, failure that we can classify as an artifact commonly that is contrary to the side of responsibility against the reality that was contradicted and perhaps dreamed, being the being as an element neutralized by the circumstances and incapacities that they become a reaction of struggle that we may well say that we are living or going through a variety of consequences of habits that derive in society as an existing factor of struggle, becoming like a mental and imaginary dungeon that perhaps we can prevent with more affection, love and courage under a severe upbringing that later society may establish a more passive and understanding commitment in life.

Today we see certain police television programs as Datena, Hotline, general Ronda show a plethora of news about events of crimes that we fully insecure because we see people die and justice show with a lot of work their events that fall between filming, pictures and the facts that vesses left behind and no one vesses are murderers because police work the vesses not give revelation results too soon and the killers are free and the victims' families ask justices by deaths and vesses can do righteousness and all this there is a logical most effective that we could get such events under a duty that justice not long in as education remain in power in the country and dominate the society that lives all decals and are absorbed by the injustice that is formalized between a purpose control security between the government and the people that perhaps we can look the part obs heal the life that turn us into victims under certain causes and adverse reactions that people do not contains and could contain because you say things to prove what we are thinking of doing because we're studying some could thing being monitored by beautiful actions we seek as fantasies and dreams that would hold any reaction contrary to the realistic inequalities and oppressive life we Settle distancing of reality that is against the truths and accept the lie as a justification and distancing fighting action of education for an emotional reason could think psychologically friendlier else that could not be victimized by any circumstance that is as logical thought it would not be distorted the true image of man who should be getting rid of any action and revenge as a neutral point where we call education we can say that society ever to fulfill his duty d and remember that everything can when the truth would be imposed as justice and not justice as fighting action being the human being more socialized hunger that kills and entice you to kill, money buying that makes the man steal and finally would be left only the certainty that someday we may live and understand that the world has not made us and it is we who make the world and thus gain life and leave to die and justice would be the cause of our thoughts not fully'd forget the feeling as a weapon of defense against meigas actions created by poor and sick circumstances in which man can exercise their role in a discipline of life, to master and be happy.

I think we can say that everything might be being controlled and that justice is not slow and not even fault that we have to conquer the world you holding between two issues that always suppose always lead us between full and simple loyalty to love and hate at the same time to apprehend to get to know this rain we're going through as a lesson for our stressing that pain in losing life a loved one, or want to show that we love the world and that is enough for many violence because people want to live happy and that life is simply a matter of social welfare necessarily seek in good and bad ways in which life can be being corrupted by human dishonesty we always want to take for satisfaction all the realistic capabilities we have to face not to tarnish our feelings that only pass a circle of emotional studies that always makes us play opposite in the social environment of all guidelines that humanity mesm not to contain to heal the defects under the table or on the ropes from someone or everyone who wants to live happily and normally about life that always takes us by surprise on certain attributes that only take into account a true and insecure tragedy always grasp the society to conduct not to fall into social mud that is always growing to desenfrear the good heart of someone who knows how to live and do not want to get involved with the dishonesty of the outside world and that everyone needs a support to meet and have safety with their families on how big countries are showing that war is peace product in great destruction of contradictions that are ending and always ended the lives of many innocent people who might be living a dignified life and without so much prejudice that might not come their magnitude and their honesty to live the life like so many today might kill for pleasure and heroism in as the world ends also on g rands destruction caused by greed and the devastating power of evil that does not ensure between the two loops that even there has to be the unusual and inhumane world against the welfare state we call paradise in which we may well say how much we can make life a school and a range of good moral concepts we need to establish a beautiful and simple conquest of good for life and peace and love be fulfilled honestly and classified mind about the best social standards and should be used to unmask the hard and black life in which everything can be contained on a reconstruction of peace and love for human beings and the world must come together because we need is courage that can be established discipline among the poor and the rich to standardize and restore humanity against periculosa life of war and destruction and it can be set on certain ways in which respect is done as a school teaching on Rogue tas ways to kill and destroy getting people's lives well exercised contrary to live for being the lifetime of artifacts contradiction created by certain circumstances in which man does not see God as a creator who always said the Bible that God created man upon their similarity and the sky and the earth and everything was formalized getting the human being on a religious context to live and prosper in your imagination could perhaps be more about certain ways of seeing life and see the world we simply call hell and is something may be causing about mortals in need of social support and education is the most effective means for the justice of the port where today you can not mix politics with religion and think we're catching on a dimension in which we will be totalized as a minority on how we do things behind our capabilities we should always conquer the world and let good things to say how much we are making us perfect always Right re honestly good because tomorrow we would not frustrates us about the murmurs of life that only makes us understand the downside of doing things in as the world goes crazy for certain fantasies in which the dreamer and conqueror end up being attracted and distracted by their attitudes and concepts that simply would not be worth anything and capitalism might not be the key to certain accounts because the power of money could not buy really certain proof that justice emanates and always justified on a blackboard all who do not honestly align its role because there is evidence about certain inconsistencies that need to understand that it is not enough to be right for tomorrow be free of any unforeseen events that inevitably are all morbid society that does not see the truth and simply ends and destroys the world and their own lives to justify being there are no explanations be the momentary world and the human being is a deadly war machine.

What do I want to express to you or simply tell you with my words and intuition about the metaphysics that is always giving rise to the power to value and devalue all forms and bases of life that is more geared towards an acknowledgment of the so involving nature of life as for the human being who is always defrauding human existence by proposing suffering and his own destruction for a relationship that makes us all believe that the world is not perfect and will not change someday by its own construction and movement moral and social that spread over a poorly designed and constructed context of the people who perhaps has no longer acquired real bases and effective conduct of a nature full of dreams and desires that characterize the social environment that is always changing all religions, politics and governmental reconstitutions in a concept of devoid ideas that the man of today is homogeneous of the universe itself that so much builds and destroys at the same the whole moment of history is left insane by the very existence that we simply call it the machine of deconstruction or savage that in everything and with everything makes us react on the other side of life leaving our feelings upset with our own innocent natures that by mere circumstances lose all value which simply leads to death by a man's inability to everything is contained by a list of facts related to lack of educational integrity among the people and the classes that use contraias religions established standards as politicians who differ by standards policies good patterns exercised against society becoming the enemy of the people and devaluing their own lives due to habits and financial maladjustments caused by the corruptions of bad politicians poorly established by norms and political maladjustment as well as bad government reconstitutions are established leaving the country in financial crisis to end in a Verda The first course of social warfare established by the wronged people that ends up killing itself and others, leaving the world an absinthe of contradictory examples, the true order taken in which it is devoured by its very root by the reverse of a true life or existence of life over all the points and subpoints that clarify the true way of living claiming for peace and love in a circle that makes living all the unbelievable aspects of life getting the black reality as an example of the very life we call and where the true black orchid lives .

The facts that marked the world by violence, death and terrorism on the cruel face of the earth among human beings who, due to their ability, are always targets of the black and evil society that is always manipulating the good fortune of people who see the world differently more possible and it is against the fearless cruel laws that materialize on the life of the human being who suffers all the black and sick realities of an unexpected world that is productively consumed into a future that is not well intentioned about the laws, orders and ways of live superlatives of a great sovereign people living today and pass victims on a sentimentalized decalco blacks principles stolen by negativities achievements imposed on the lives of large organizations leaders and armies in command untwist with the purpose of peace the decadence of life turning into a world of fraud, terrorism and the death of many innocents by the face of life called the true hell that we spend relating our days that are fulfilled more positively about the rights of mother nature so much that it does not abuse the disturbing violations of man who takes advantage of life to build paradises on parts of land that are only structures immobilized by the destructive selfishness of man who always is killing the planet with their chemical inventions and devaluing the forests with their greed causing the true biodiversity because of the fauna and flora of their setbacks patients where they live the decadence of a materialized world and robbed by a personal relativity of their own selfishness that forget about god and gradually destroy themselves while the world also establishes itself socializing the power of destruction by political, religious and natural laws that always make us crazy about our pleasures more than conquered with enormous powers to win and conquer the world we call last better thing to live being led astray and fatally declined by the hard, salient life and reason for living, human beings are based on the most petty desires that we can do with capacity and are manipulated by the evils that human beings always derange with their devastating role of killing over everything and everyone, making the world one shivering hell where are laughed and dormant our reasons to live and be happy and die by a single catastrophe caused by the power mass of angry men who are always putting and playing the world against the most severe PREDES that humanity retains getting the world between a more socialized hell of wars for peace and heaven for perhaps more constructive moments that are more sentimental and experienced normally and happily about all our conduct that we most want and for restless moments in our lives we enjoy 50% percent of true established wills for the beneficial and balanced life that every human being achieves in a world perhaps prone to fearless laws of living alone. Obre true idealized concepts and dreamed of someone who is at peace with life and always look for the true feeling of being happy and live happily for a long period of time as much as is and get to black life and insolent forever be amazed moral and immoral misfits of man who always inevitably handles the realistic more creative way of living and someday you can be sure of what was done and can tell who is living and we can all live happily.

I get out of this loneliness and scatter things on a chalk floor, to mere silly daydreams torturing myself photographs cut out of newspapers every few days, I'll throw you on the confetti-guarding cloth knowing that everything doesn't go perfectly with the other social classes and we see all countries sunk in a solid of artifacts that can never reach the fearless future by national and international crises making us suffer under the very powers imposed by the presidential government that solidly consoles us not to tarnish and tarnish the public relations that live today a total declassification of indifferent idealized proposals of a communist attribute that intervenes the order over justice causing the real dungeon that is the very lie that exudes all opinion without satisfactory compromise that is imposed on the demands of the laws of political power that is always playing on the context of taking with itself all solides and constitutional incapacity on the demands social classes that see themselves dismissed and deceived by an equation of fractional points that in the future served as an attribute, find yourselves to elude the capacity of a people who expect the best labor and educational reforms in all directions for the country's progress.

Maybe someday we can live without as many wars as these that are always being organized for a simple independence of conquests, religions, politics and greed that we see the most qualified, educated and trained man of today look like the primate men who certainly had no education and today's education most maintained the laws of survival in vast circumstances of coexistence, order and laws of living and learning and developing certain material and socialist artifacts that we would not even reach them for disciplines, love and work to those who want to have power and devastate the whole earth with blood and injustices due to a simple devaluation of the planet and society that does not even know why so many demands and terrorist attacks that are tarnishing the good intentions of those who see life in a natural way, of financial gain, of love for the life they are dying, a part of wars without limits for being victims and others for conforming to the delay ally with their work, love, families and the best ways of living that still exist because we are passengers destined to strengthen the very idea of living and being alive because life is a bomb of superlative effects that unfold us through the present, past and future and it makes us learn how it can favor us, giving us space and setbacks to our abilities to be happy eternally one day.

I want to talk a little bit about the world because we simply live unconsciously about the truths of life because the world will someday be able to respond to us in a better and more human way because life can tell us how human we are and its incapacities generated by the devastating conformism of man cannot be the target of our unconsciousness. I have been keeping in my feelings and thoughts a deep democratic opinion and more focused on a very strong character that I have in my personality that is always following the guidelines created by the circumstances of life that always pressure us in a possessive way that makes us remember from the old days of childhood and our adolescence in high school classrooms that always touched us deeply our origins and education that we learned to be more careful with the measures of time that wants to redeem us and seduce us with the unnecessary and imaginable fantasies of our youth that surprises us constantly confusing us with prejudices to give doors to the decadence generated by bad concepts and bad disciplines experienced by the negative formation that society has and always passes on to us in the form of rationalist moral concepts and education that has always been stirring among the great people crowd that is always dressing behind unavoidable racial prejudices that only hit rock bottom the socialist brotherhood and personal humanity to establish false beliefs, religions, politics and poor constructive education that the best way to achieve the true personal conduct of a good human character and true education when if there are productive, constructive and efficient reforms and honesty for the progress of the people in social and family life.

I believe that capacity is or is fully always proposing us in various contradictions that life reacts to us and always makes us react on certain duties and disciplines that are always changing our habits and ways of containing, acting and surviving in life because life is and there will always be a more than primordial issue, showing us constantly how the first people were born as the man and woman who have always lived and adapted to a way of awareness and survival about life that today are more evolved and always show by inconsequence its prehistoric side that manipulates education forming society in various maneuvers and acquiring different habits and prejudices about a life of suffering and indignant attributes formalized by prone acts of the government that cannot change its presidential opinions or lack any way between an issue more familiar formulated in its means of rebuilding for the progress of a people that seeks Jewish sovereignty. nt the power to be something or someone who can live without so much prejudice and be able to impose their character more than proof that they are people and not or never suffered misery as a negative conformism coming from different classes of politicians and friendship always takes over the youth always making it go unnoticed what we are or what we could perhaps someday be between ways of education, respect and personal honesty.

I believe that together united we can be even someone who lives constantly happy and make progress as an excuse to live and be happy for life because they never existed peace and love without equality between men establishing bad attributes to give bad examples to society they feel these misfits and then spend several and negative information from a government that does not transcend good habits walks of life who are always fighting against the bad education with schools on public roads as everyday example of a people who still learn to live not to die without having nothing and leaving all the conformism of death that comes tumbling down our homes, personal opinions and progress of a large youth can show that may someday change the world and just be someone to respect, value and has its character as evidence that it is alive and did not bow before any reform precarious and still rules in their education and do not sell their rights by any undisciplined id EIS to devalue what it is and what you have in your life as much as it is bad or formalized by the malformation of a people and their country. I do not sell my rights to anyone because I know who I am and I do me something quite different from a world that might have been born troncho more always try to learn better with life and never give my arm to twist because the essence might be or being in our buildings in the future transparecera everything and everyone and did not exist bad construction on my formality as much as I have built my best ever more perhaps offer him enough of me to love the world and not fall into madness to dusk in the knowledge of our lives to better recognize in our lives and backgrounds who welcomed us productively in the future that gives us more quality and love of our lives. I go down this loneliness and I spread things on a chalk ground, the mere daydreams foolish to torture me cut photographs sheet newspapers miúde, I'll play in cloth to keep confetti to know that everything does not go perfectly over the other social classes and that love is dying because there is no life without love because love is simply the extensive construction of a life without prejudices that unfold always causing discomfort and turning in regimes moving to a state of religions turning into slavery and establishing the commitment of the people in worship of saints, gods and miraculous priests who simply many attributes of the people on the socialist classes who exercise also power and justice in labor reforms going into politics that inevitably turns into wars a challenging commitment of countries to killing innocent people across the face of the earth causing an immense and inevitable dungeon of a world where perhaps you can have been done without so many relativities and orders that may one day show the people how education can change a world and a story can be finished and just happy being alone life on a chalk ground.

I want to thank my passively introit which I tell all my ideas in which I plant from my conception the greatest value and love between my country and the people who align themselves with a great purpose of living and that all achievements are related to great educational and cultural development and that we are worthy forever to show, among good manners, a good relationship with the people in moral, social and labor issues and that the best reason will always be proposing to us as always good reasoning under all classes and that here I showed a good finishable paper in which I describe all my feelings and thoughts in what happened in the life of a people who suffered and today are formalized by a notion that in the future we can show a little more of a more tonic system of satisfaction and love for our land and that brazil will always expand with its modernity that will involve us always shows better our tradition and love for our country and a big hug to all from the heart!

By: Roberto Barros